Itg§ 


vsroRy 


AMMANY 


^SOCIETY 


iEx  ICibrta 


SEYMOUR    DURST 


FORT     NEW    AMSTERDAM 


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SAINT  TAMMANY,  TIIK   I'ATKON    SAIN" 


♦  ♦  fiistory-- 

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rrom  its  Organization 
to  tbe  Present  Cime 

€.  Uale  Blake 

Published  under  the  Direction  of 

fred  feigl 

editor  of  Che  Cammany  times 


Souvenir  Publishing  Company 
32  Broadway,  Hew  Vork 


Souvenir  Publishing  Company, 

::•;  Broadway, 

New    Vi>rk.  ir.  s.  A. 


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i  opjrifjlited    l'JOl. 

All    riKllts     lir.,Tln 


ANNOUNCEMENT. 


N  presenting'  this  first  volume  of  the  History  of  the  Society  of 
Tammany,  or  Columbian  Order,  to  our  readers,  we  desire  to 
assure  them  that  this  is  but  the  beginning  of  our  work. 

The  records  of  this  great  Society,  numbering  as  it  does 
among  its  members  the  most  illustrious  men  in  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  are  of  the  greatest  importance,  and  the  work  of 
completing  and  perpetuating  them  will  be  continued  until  they  are  as  near  perfect 
as  may  be. 

Particular  credit  for  this  work  is  due  to  E.  Vale  Blake,  who  has  gathered 
and  compiled  the  material  for  the  work  and  arranged  the  historical  story  of  this 
the  First  Volume. 

We  desire  to  recognize  the  efforts  of  our  friends  in  contributing  to  fhe 
success  of  this  volume,  notably,  the  Hon.  Richard  Croker,  Grand  Sachem 
Thomas  L.  Feitner,  Hon.  Asa  Bird  Gardiner,  Hon.  William  Sulzer.  Air.  James 
Anderson  Russell,  Mr.  Jon  Templeton,  as  well  as  Mr.  George  (1.  Feigl,  who  has 
had  charge  of  the  arrangement  of  the  biographical  sketches  of  the  members  of 
the  Society  who  are  living  at  the  present  day. 

(  )ur  thanks  are  specially  due  for  documents,  to  the  late  Col.  Thomas  Dun- 
lap  and  also  to  the  Adjutant  General  of  the  State  for  statistical  and  other  in- 
formation regarding  the  Tammany  troops  in  the  War  of  Secession. 

Fred.  Feigl. 


PREFACE. 


HEN  a  Society  or  Institution  has  been  in  active  operation 
for  over  a  century  it  is  pertinent  to  inquire  wherein  lies 
its  vitality. 

More  particularly  is  this  the  case  when  it  exists  in 
a  great  city  and  is  essentially  a  political  organization — 
and  is  found  to  have  survived  all  other  early  political  organizations. 
During  the  existence  of  the  Society  of  Tammany,  or  the  Colum- 
bian ( )rder,  a  large  number  of  these  associations  have  sought  the  favor 
of  the  people,  with  varying  success,  most  of  them  being  but  short-lived. 
From  its  original  antagonist,  the  old  Federal  party,  down  to  the 
present  day,  the  wrecks  of  defunct  political  organizations  are  scattered 
along  the  highway  of  history.  Not  only  is  this  true  of  the  large 
national  parties  which  have  opposed  the  Democracy,  of  which  the 
Tammany  Society  is  still  the  most  prominent  organization,  such  as  the 
Federalist,  the  National- Republican,  the  Whig,  the  Native  American 
and  the  present  Republican  ;  but  in  addition  to  these,  which  might  be 
called  its  natural  enemies,  the  Tammany  Society  has  had  constantly  to 
contend  with  foes  springing  up  in  its  own  locality.  There  have  been 
seasons  of  eclipse,  too,  when  the  star  of  Tammany  was  obscured  ;  but. 
after  a  time,  the  clouds   rolled  by,  and  the  old   Wigwam  as^ain  came 


prominently   into  view,  in  full  possession  of"  apparently  indestructible 
vitality. 

In  the  course  of  these  pages  it  will  be  demonstrated  wherein  lies 
the  strength  of  this  redoubtable  organization. 

It  is  true  there  are  many  persons  so  greatly  under  the  influence 
of  opposing  partisan  affiliation  that  they  can  scarcely  be  brought  to  be- 
lieve that  there  is,  or  ever  was  any  good  thing  in  this  powerful  and  most 
persistent  of  political  organizations;  a  little  reflection,  however,  will 
convince  any  candid  mind  that  so  considerable  a  bod)-  of  citizens  as  the 
members  of  the  Tammany  organization  could  not  be  held  under  the 
fascinations  of  an  altogether  evil  power  for  the  space  of  a  hundred  years. 

E.  Vale  Blake. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER.  PAGE. 

1    Formation  of  the  Tamman)   Society. 9 

II  History   of   Chief   Tammany. '- 

111  Tammany's  Gift  of  Symbols  to  the    [ribes.          .        .        .        .  15 

IY  First  Officers  of  the  Tammany  Society.          ....  18 

V  Affiliated    Societies.               21 

VI  The  Tammany  Museum.                    23 

\  1 1   Political  Influence  of  the  Society.                   25 

VIII  Act  of  Incorporation  of  the  Society. -!'> 

IX  Recruits  from  the  Federal  Party 27 

X  Celebrations  of  the  Fourth  of  July. 29 

X  I   Poets  and  Literati  of  Tammany.           ......  32 

XII   Tammany  Versus  Aaron   Burr. 37 

XIII  The  Prison  Ship  Martyrs.             38 

XIV  Building  a  New  Wigwam. 42 

XV  General  Jackson  at  a  Tammany   Banquet.  .         .         .         -45 

XVI  Trinity  Church  Riot. 47 

XVII  War  Governor  of  1812. 52 

X  V  1 1 1  Tammany  on  Home  Industries.        ......  55 

XIX  The  Anti-Masonic  Party 57 

XX  The    Loco    Focos.             59 

XXI  Frances  Wright.             63 

XXII  The  Patroons. 64 

XXIII  Tammany  and  Van  Buren.            .......  66 

XXIV  The  Free  Soil  Movement 69 

XXV  Michael  Walsh 71 

XXVI  Who  Owns  Tammany  Hall 7^ 

XXYII  Tammany's  Attitude  During  the  Civil  War         .         .         .         -77 

XXVIII  The  Tammany  Jackson  Guard 81 

XXIX  The  Soldier  Poet  of  the  War 85 

XXX   Fernando  Wood, 87 

XXXI  A  Peace  Meeting  During  the  War qo 


8 

CHAPTER.  I'AGK. 

XXXII   Horatio   Seymour 95 

XXXIII  Samuel    J.    Tilden 98 

XXXIV  Laying  the  Corner  Stone  of  the  New  Wigwam           .         .         .  too 
XXXV   A   Dark  Shadow too 

XXXVI  Greely   Campaign \  1 1 

XXXVII   Fourth   of  July.    1873 113 

XXXVIII  John    Kelly 115 

XXXIX    Political    Conditions    1876-70 118 

XL  Hancock's  Nomination   for   President 124 

XLI  The    County    Democracy 127 

XLII   Cleveland    in     1884 132 

XLIII   Cleveland   in    1888 134 

XLIY   hire   in   Tammany    Hall     .  .  .  .  .  .  .  -135 

XLY   Unveiling  of  The  Tammany  Monument         .....    136 

XLVI  Richard    Croker 138 

XLVII  Presidential  Campaign  of   1892 142 

XLVHI   After   the    Nomination. 144 

XLIX  Red  Letter   Day 149 

L  The    Tariff i  52 

LI  Constitutional  Convention  .         .         .         .         .         .         .  155 

LII  Some    Reverses — Parkhurst-Maynard 158 

LIII  National    Convention. 162 

LIV  Advent  of  the  Reformers 164 

I A     Testimonial   to   Richard   Croker 168 

LVI  Consolidation.  169 

LVII   Victory  of   1897 •      .  .  173 

I  A  III    Tammany    Incidents 175 

LIX  Improvements  in   New   York  City 171; 

LX  Embarrassing  Results  of  Consolidation 183 

LXI   Efforts  to  Destroy  the  Society 184 

LXII  Grand  Sachems  From   178c)  to  [900. 185 

LXI  1 1    Chairman  General  Committee   1872  to   1900.          ...  187 

LXIV  Officers  of  the  Society  for  1900 188 


CIIAI'I  ER    I 


CAUSES   WHICH    LED   TO   THE   FORMATION   OF   THE  TAMMANY 
SOCIETY. 

i\  May,  [783,  the  officers  of  the  American  \rm\.  in  canton 
ments,  mi  the  Hudson,  under  General  Washington,  having  in 
\  ii  u  the  eventual  disbandment  of  the  arm)  after  exchange  of 
ratification  of  the  definite  Treat)  of  Peace,  decided  to  form 
a  society,  to  perpetuate  as  well  the  remembrance  of  the  blood) 
conflict  of  eighl  years  which  had  established  the  Colonies  as 
Free,  independent  and  sovereign  States,  as  the  mutual  friend- 
ships which  had  been  formed  under  the  pressure  of  common  danger,  and  in  man) 
instances  cemented  b)  the  blood  of  the  parties. 

The)    accordingly  met   at   the   Ver   Planck    Mansion,  the    Headquarters  of 
Major-General   Baron  de  Steuben,  near  Fishkill,  \.  Y..  and  formed  themselves 


nds.  and  agreed  to  an   Institution   v 

as   they   or   any    of   their   eldest    male 

the  collateral  branches  who  should  b 
3  and  members. 

(he\   set  forth  that : 


ch  the)    declared 

isterity   remained. 
judged  worthy  ol 


into  a  Society  of   Friends,  and  aerreed  to  ai 
should  endure  as  long 
and,  in  failure  thereof. 
becoming  its  supporter 
In  this  Institution 

"The  officers  of  the  American  Army  having  generally  been  taken  from  the  citizens  of 
America,  possess  high  veneration  tor  the  character  of  thai  illustrious  Roman,  Lucius 
Quintius  Cincinnatus;  and.  being  resolved  to  follow  his  example  by  returning  to  their 
citizenship,  they  think  they  may  with  propriety  denominate  themselves 

THE  SOCIETY  OF  CINCINNATI.' 

'The  officers  of  the  arm)  were  intensely  patriotic,  and  they  had  undergone 
untold  sufferings,  privations  and  losses  of  property,  in  order  to  continue  in  the 
service  of  their  country,  and  bring  to  a  successful  termination  the  war  which 
secured  the  independence  of  the  United  States. 

They  keenly  appreciated  the  fatal  defects  in  the  Articles  of  Confederation, 
which  had  not  gone  into  effect  until  17X1.  and  under  which  independence  had 
almost  been  lost;  and.  accordingly,  in  addition  to  provisions  as  to  benevolence, 
they  also  incorporated  a  political  principle  for  a  tinner  union  between  tin-  States 
and  the  maintenance  of  the  national  honor,  then  imperilled  through  interfering 
State  regulations  as  to  commerce  and  the  absolute  worthlessness  of  the  Continen- 
tal currency. 

In  their  Institution  they  said  that 

"The  following  principles  shall  be  immutable  and  form  the  basis  of  the  Society  of  the 
Cincinnati: 

"An  incessant  attention  to  preserve  inviolate  those  exalted  rights  and  liberties  of 
human  nature  for  which  they  have  fought  and  bled,  and  without  which  the  high  rank  of 
a  rational  being  is  a  curse  instead  of  a  blessing. 

"An  unalterable  determination  to  promote  and  cherish  between  the  respective  States 
that  union  and  national  honor  so  essentially  necessary  to  their  happiness  and  the  future 
dignity  of  the  American  empire. 

"To  render  permanent  the  cordial  affection  subsisting  among  the  officers:  The  spirit 
will  dictate  brotherly  kindness  in  all  things,  and  particularly  extend  to  the  most  substan- 
tial acts  of  beneficence,  according  to  the  ability  of  the  Society,  towards  those  officers  and 
their  families  who  unfortunately  may  be  under  the  necessity  of  receiving  it." 


The  General  Society,  for  the  sake  of  frequent  communications,  was  divided 
into  State  Societies,  with  local  officers,  wherein  applications  for  membership  were 
received  and  acted  upon. 

The  Institution  prescribed  an  order  by  which  the  members  should  be  known 
and  distinguished,  which  was  the  Bald  American  Eagle,  with  appropriate 
emblems,  and  the  motto 

"OMNIA    RELIQUIT    SERVARE  REMPUBLICAM," 

and  a  ribbon  by  which  it  was  suspended  from  the  breast,  of  deep  blue  edged 
with  white,  typical  of  the  then  alliance  between  France  and  America. 

Tn  November,  1783,  the  Continental  Army  was  formally  disbanded,  and  the 
officers  and  soldiers  again  became  private  citizens. 

Much  opposition  was  manifested  at  first  to  the  Society,  because  of  its  sup- 
posed aristocratic  tendencies,  which  was  in  due  time  dissipated. 

The  American  officers,  in  providing  that  the  representative  membership 
should  descend  through  the  eldest  lineal  male  descendant,  had  merely  followed 
the  rule  of  primogeniture  then  prevailing  throughout  the  United  States,  and 
probably  with  the  idea  that  the  eldest  son,  as  heir  to  the  estate  of  his  father,  would 
be  better  able  to  do  his  full  share  toward  the  benevolent  objects  of  the  Institution. 

The  members  in  the  Thirteen  States  began  at  once  to  agitate  for  a  more 
perfect  union,  and  for  the  establishment  of  a  national  government  under  a  con- 
stitution which  would  give  peace  and  prosperity  at  home,  and  protection  abroad. 

The  history  of  the  period  of  four  years  from  1783  to  1787,  when  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States  was  adopted,  and  from  thence  until  the  inauguration 
of  the  Government  under  it,  in  1789,  shows  that  the  influence  of  the  Society  of  the 
Cincinnati  was  most  potential  in  effecting  this  great  patriotic  object. 

When  the  Government  of  the  United  States  under  the  Constitution  was 
finally  inaugurated,  the  General  Society,  in  Triennial  Meeting  convened,  and  the 
several  State  Societies,  in  communications  to  General  Washington,  then  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  declared  that  a  good  Constitution  for  their  beloved 
country  was  what  the  officers  had  contended  for,  in  the  field  and  in  council. 

The  political  principle  in  the  Institution  of  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati 
having  thereupon  become  engrafted,  with  sanctions,  in  the  organic  law  for  the 
United  States,  the  political  work  of  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati  came  to  an  end, 
and  thenceforth  its  members  devoted  themselves  to  their  domestic  concerns,  and 
to  celebrations  of  Independence  Day,  as  required  by  the  Institution,  and  to  works 
of  benevolence,  in  which,  in  the  course  of  years,  they  expended  very  many 
thousands  of  dollars  in  relieving  the  necessities  of  deserving  descendants  of 
Revolutionary  officers. 

The  political  work  of  the  Cincinnati  having  thus  terminated,  it  ceased  thence- 
forward to  be  a  political  factor,  and,  as  its  membership  was  restricted,  it  could 
not  perform  the  functions  of  a  great  patriotic  society  to  which  all  citizens  should 
be  eligible,  and  which  should  at  all  times  have  a  potential  influence  in  the  direction 
of  patriotism,  and  as  :\  conservator  of  good  government. 


At  this  juncture,  1789,  a  citizen  of  the  Cit)  oi  New  York,  William  Mooney, 
ci  mceived  the  idea  of  forming  just  such  a  great  patriotic  organization,  and.  having 
communicated  his  views  to  other  citizens,  who  enthusiastically  approved,  "THE 
SOCIETY  (  IF  TAMM  WY,"  or,  "C(  iLUMBl  \.\  <  IRDER,"  whose  motto  is 
"FREEDOM  OUR  ROCK,"  was  established;  and  for  many  years,  on  Inde- 
pendence Day,  passed  the  compliments  of  the  day  with  the  New  York  State 
Society  of  the  Cincinnati,  and  each  drank  the  health  of  the  other. 

A  considerable  number  of  the  earlier  members  of  the  new  patriotic  Society 
were  also  original  members  of  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati. 

The  first  meeting  place  of  the  infant  Society  of  Tammany,  which  was  organ- 
ized May  ij,  1789,  was  at  Barden's,  or  the  City  Tavern,  located  on  lower 
■Broadway,  not  far  from  the  Bowling  Green.  Here,  for  lack  of  a  more  com 
modious  place,  the  new  society  met  until  [798,  when  they  obtained  the  use  of 
Martling's  long  room;  and  this  has  generally  been  thought  to  have  been  the  first 
wigwam.  Mr.  Abraham  D.  Martling  kept  what  would  now  be  called  a  hotel  on 
the  corner  of  Nassau  and  Spruce  streets.  His  office,  dining-room 'and  kitchen 
were  located  at  the  front  of  the  house,  facing  on  Nassau  street,  while  the  famous 
Long  Room  was  at  the  rear,  running  parallel  with  this  street.  This  room  afforded 
accommodation  for  either  convivial  parties  or  for  public  meetings,  and  many  a 
fine  political  campaign  was  there  inaugurated  and  carried  through  to  success, 
before  the  followers  of  St.  Tammany  dreamed  of  erecting  a  building  for  their 
sole  use.  It  was,  however,  little  more  than  a  dozen  years  later  before  the  project 
was  matured  for  erecting  the  ample  building,  of  which  the  corner-stone  was  laid 
in  181 1,  near  the  site  of  Martling's  old  place,  on  the  corner  of  Nassau  and  Frank- 
fort streets,  which  was  occupied  by  the  Society  until  the  erection  of  the  present 
•elegant  and  substantial  building  on  Fourteenth  street. 

The  meaning  of  the  word  wigwam,  as  is  very  generally  supposed,  is  not  a 
tent,  but  a  communal  house,  such  as  many  of  the  stationary  tribes  of  our  North 
American  Indians  built  for  the  common  home,  and  which  were  usually  large 
enough  to  accommodate  from  forty  to  sixty  families.  Some  large  tribes  had 
many  wigwams. 

In  regard  to  the  appellation  of  "Saint"  to  Chief  Tammany,  we  believe  John 
Trumbull,  the  artist,  is  to  be  credited  with  its  bestowal,  he  thinking  that  the 
monarchial  countries  of  Europe  should  not  have  a  monopoly  of  the  saints;  but  he 
alone  was  not  of  that  mind;  some  early  calendars  published  in  Philadelphia  give 
the  first  of  May  as  the  day  of  St.  Tammany,  naming  him  the  patron  Saint  of 
America.  There  is  also  a  St.  Tammany  parish  in  Louisiana,  on  the  northern 
boundary  of  Lake  Ponchartrain. 

The  Society  of  Tammany,  or  the  Columbian  Order,  is  nominally,  and  by 
the  terms  of  its  incorporation,  a  social,  patriotic  and  charitable  association,  and 
is  practically  and  really  a  distinct  body  from  the  General  Committee  of  the  Dem- 
ocratic party  generally  understood  by  the  term  "  Tammany." 


CHAPTER    II. 

PERSONAL  HISTORY  OF  CHIEF  TAMMANY. 

HERE  appears  to  have  been  two  Saints  Tammany — a  legendary 
one  and  an  historical  one — or,  rather,  either  the  attributes  of 
one  real  person  have  been  magnified  into  the  fabulous,  or 
there  had  been  an  earlier  Indian,  with  superior  qualifications, 
living  long  before  the  chief  known  to  history  bearing  the  same 
name. 

The  historical  Tammany,  with  whom  William  Penn  had  dealings,  was 
chief  of  the  Lenni-Lenape  tribe  of  Indians:  a  native  of  Delaware,  living 
in  his  old  age  near  the  Schuylkill  River,  and  at  the  time  of  his  death  resid- 
ing some  four  miles  from  the  present  site  of  Doylestown,  in  what  is  now  Bucks 
County,  Pennsylvania;  his  burial  place  being  near  a  spring  in  that  vicinity.  He 
is  believed  to  have  been  present  at  the  interview  with  Penn  under  the  great  elm- 
tree  at  Shakamaxon,  as  all  the  chiefs  of  the  Lenni-Lenape  lineage  were  there,  and 
so  distinguished  a  member  as  Tammany  could  scarcely  have  been  absent.  His 
name,  sometimes  written  Tammanend,  with  that  of  Melamequam,  is  signed  to  a 
contract  giving  title  to  a  tract  of  land  lying  between  Pennepack  and  Neshamony 
Creeks.     This  paper  is  dated  April  23,  1683. 

Penn's  "great  treaty,"  so  called,  through  which  he  acquired  title  to  nearly  the 
whole  of  the  present  State  of  Pennsylvania,  is  dated  more  than  two  years  later, 
in  May,  1685,  when  Tammany  probably  was  dead.  His  precise  age  is  unknown, 
but  it  is  certain  that  his  life  extended  long  past  the  extreme  limit  of  even  extra- 
ordinary old  age.  When  spoken  of  by  the  people  of  his  own  or  other  Indian 
tribes,  he  was  usually  referred  to  as  "Chief  Tammany  of  many  days."  William 
Penn,  in  speaking  of  him,  said:  "I  found  him  an  old  man,  yet  vigorous  in  mind 
and  body,  with  high  notions  of  liberty;  not  to  be  imposed  upon,  yet  easily  won 
by  suavity  and  a  peaceable  address."  At  one  time  his  wigwam  is  said  to  have 
stood  on  the  site  now  occupied  by  Princeton  College. 

Chief  Tammany  was  certainly  friendly  to  the  whites.  lie  had  the  sagacity 
to  perceive  that  the  knowledge  of  the  arts,  of  mechanics,  and  of  a  superior 
agriculture,  was  a  power  which  gave  to  the  new  settlers  immense  advantages  over 
his  own  people;  thus  he  was  led  to  favor  peace  witli  them,  and  lie  used  his  great 
influence  to  preserve  the  tranquillity  of  the  Delaware  nation.  Fenimore  Cooper, 
in  his  popular  novel,  "'The  Last  of  the  Mohicans,"  introduces  Chief  Tammany  in 
the  scene  in  which  he  describes  the  death  of  fjncas,  making  Tammanj  saj  :  "M> 
day  has  been  too  long.  In  the  ■morning  I  saw  the  sons  of  I'nainies  happy  and 
strong;  and  yet,  before  the  night  has  come,  have  I  lived  to  sec  the  last  warrior  of 
the  wise  race  of  the  Mohicans." 

The  Tammany  of  tradition  is  a  wonderful  character;  in  the  folk-lore  of  hi-; 
people  all  good  things  are  attributed  to  him.  Before  the  time  of  I  )e  Soto  or 
La  Salle,  or  even  the  still  earlier  voyage  claimed  for  Boehm,  there  was  a  Chief 
Tammany,  whose  tribe  lived  west  of  the  Alleghanv  Mountains,  and  extended 
bevond  the  northern  bank  of  the  <  )hio  River.    In  early  youth  this  chief  was  noted 


13 

as  a  skillful  hunter  and  bra\  e  warrior;  lie  was  always  ingenious  in  the  production 
of  domestic   utensils,  objects  ol  decoration,  and   implements   For   the   hunt,  for 

snaring  animals,  and  for  use  in  war.     ^s  he  grew  i<>  manh 1  his  fame  extended 

beyond  the  Mississippi  Rivei  to  the  Greal  Sail  Lake,  and  Ins  noble  deeds  were 
talked  of  al  even  council  fire  in  the  land.  It  was  this  ven  superioritj  which 
excited  the  env\  and  enmit)  of  the  Evil  Spirit,  with  whom  he  had  mam  fearful 
combats. 

When  this  terrible  cneni)  saw  thai  Tamilian)  was  teaching  his  people  how 
to  cultivate  corn  and  other  edible  vegetables  and  fruits,  he  determined  i<>  circum 
Mm  him  and  injure  his  reputation  with  the  tribes  over  which  he  rided  with  a 
linn  hut  fatherl)  hand.  So  the  Evil  Spirit  put  his  ingenuit)  to  work  and  caused 
tlic  land  to  produce  poison  sumach,  and  stinging  nettles,  which  he  hoped  the 
tribes  would  attribute  to  Tammany.  These  plants  did.  indeed,  much  anno)  ami 
sometimes  injure  the  hunters,  hut  Tamilian)  was  wideawake  and  contemplated 
long  how  he  could  rid  his  land  of  these  noxious  growths.     He  hided  his  time; 

then  at  the  period  "f  drought  he  set  tire  to  the  prairies  which  the)  covered,  and 
the  lire  was  so  hoi  and  the  heat  waves  chased  each  other  s,  >  rapidh  that  they 
actually  singed  and  nearl)  destroyed  the  Evil  Spirit  himself,  who  was  spying 
round,  mourning  the  destruction  of  his  poisonous  creations.  After  he  had  some- 
what recovered  from  his  injuries  he  plotted  more  mischief.  He  made  snakes, 
which  he  sent  anion,';  the  people;  hut  Tamilian)  sowed  the  seed  of  the  ash-tret', 
of  the  seueea  root  and  tile  plantain,  which  speedih  eured  those  who  were  bitten 
Next  the  Evil  ('ne  sent  a  great  drove  of  mammoths  and  other  monstrous 
and  destructive  creatures  from  beyond  the  greal  lakes,  to  consume  the  corn  and 
fruits  of  the  IhTawarcs.  Vgain  Tannnam  was  relied  upon  to  rid  the  land  of  this 
plague  also.  Me  soon  found  that  their  hides  were  too  thick  to  he  penetrated  by 
arrows,  and  that  some  other  means  must  he  devised  to  destroy  them.  Now  thrse 
animals  were  in  the  habit  of  going  down  to  the  "salt  licks;"  so  Tammany  caused 
man)  great  pits  to  he  dm;,  which  hi'  covered  over  with  branches  of  trees  and 
shrubs,  completer)  concealing  them,  and  so  these  destructive  creatures  were  all 
caught   and  slain   in  these  traps,  and  there  it   is  said  that   their  hones  may   still  he 

The  Evil  Spirit  was  now  nearly  at  his  wit's  end  how  to  devise  some  mischief 
which  the  great  chief  would  he  unable  to  overcome.  At  last  he  bethought  him- 
self to  raise  the  waters  of  Lakes  I  luron  and  Michigan,  and  so  Hood  all  the  south- 
ern land  where  the  Delawares  dwelt,  hut  Tammany  was  not  to  he  outdone  in 
ingenuity,  lie  set  to  work  imnieuiatel)  and  opened  a  way  for  the  flooding  waters, 
by  turning  them  into  the  Miami.  Wabash  and  Alleghen)  Rivers,  and.  in  addition, 
cut  new  openings  into  the  (  )hio.  The  waters  of  the  lakes  receded,  hut  formed  Oil 
their  exit  the  Detroit  Rapids  and  the  halls  of  Niagara  which  still  remains  as 
.  proof  of  the  truth  of  this  legend.  Tammany  was  hailed  as  the  savior  of  his  peo- 
ple, as  well  he  might  he. 

Finding  that  no  natural  objects  could  he  successful!)  used  against  this  noble 
chieftain,  the  Evil  One  next  conceived  the  idea  of  raising  up  enemies  against  him 
by  instilling  enmity  toward  him  among  the  trihes,  his  neighbors,  dwelling  to  the 
east  and  north.  A  long  war,  indeed,  followed,  hut  Tannnam  took  main  prison- 
ers, each  one  of  whom  expected  death  as  a  matter  of  course,  this  being  the  usual 
fate  of  prisoners  of  war.  hut  Tammany  was  endowed  with  a  superior  spirit,  and 


14 

when  he  heard  his  vanquished  foes  singing  their  sacl  "  death-song."  and  saw  them 
cutting  themselves,  according  to  the  custom  of  their  fathers,  and  thrusting  splin- 
ters into  their  flesh,  to  show  that  they  could  hear  pain  bravely,  he  called  them 
before  him,  addressed  them  kindly,  spared  their  lives,  and  thus  sent  them  back  to 
their  own  tribes,  devoted  friends,  instead  of  enemies. 

The  Wicked  Spirit,  perceiving  all  his  labors  lost,  finally  came  to  the  conclu- 
sion that  there  was  no  other  way  to  overcome  this  wonderful  chief  than  by  a  per- 
sonal encounter — never  dreaming  for  a  moment  that  any  mortal  being  could 
successfully  contend  with  the  immortal  enemy  of  the  human  race. 

In  pursuance  of  this  intent  he  hid  among  the  bushes  in  a  certain  place  where 
he  knew  that  the  chief  would  pass  by.  But  Tammany  perceived  this  movement, 
and,  pulling  up  a  hickory  sapling,  commenced  the  struggle  by  attacking  his 
skulking  enemy,  giving  him  a  powerful  blow  on  the  head.  Such  a  yell  as  burst 
from  the  surprised  traitor  not  even  a  whole  tribe  of  Indians  could  equal.  Then 
the  devil  and  Tammany  clinched,  and  dreadful  was  the  crashing  of  timber,  which 
they  trod  down,  as  if  it  had  been  mere  weeds.  Never  was  such  a  fight  on  the 
earth  since  the  war  of  the  Old  World  giants,  who  piled  mountains  on  one  another 
in  their  quarrels  in  ancient  Greece.  For  many  square  leagues  not  a  tree  was 
left  standing,  and  some  narrators  affirm  that  it  was  through  this  encounter  that 
the  prairies  were  originally  formed,  by  the  trampling  of  these  strange  Western 
gladiators- — the  Mortal  Good  and  the  Immortal  Evil — striving  for  supremacy. 

The  fight  is  reported  to  have  continued  for  fifty  days,  when  Tammany,  by 
a  hip-back  action,  succeeded  in  throwing  his  antagonist  to  the  ground,  trying  at 
the  same  time  to  roll  him  into  the  Ohio  River,  but  a  great  rock  in  the  way  pre- 
vented this;  then  he  tried  to  strangle  his  nearly  vanquished  enemy,  but  his  right 
wrist  and  thumb  had  been  so  strained  with  the  long  struggle  that  force  sufficient 
failed  him  to  accomplish  this;  and  at  last  the  great  warrior  grew  faint  and 
exhausted,  which  the  Evil  One,  perceiving,  managed  to  slip  away — having  no 
mind  to  renew  the  fight. 

But  Tammany  was  not  quite  through  with  him  yet.  He  banished  him  from 
the  country  to  Labrador  and  the  Hudson  Bay  region;  threatening  him  with 
instant  death  if  he  returned  to  the  south  of  the  Great  Lakes.  So  at  last  Tammany 
had  conquered  a  permanent  peace,  and  he  was  now  able  to  devote  himself  to  the 
development  of  agriculture  and  such  arts  as  were  useful  to  his  people.  Then  the 
tribe  rejoiced  in  plenty,  they  felt  strong,  and  their  cry  was  always,  "Tammany 
and  Liberty,"  for  he  had  won  for  them  freedom  from  all  kinds  of  injury  and 
enmity. 

About  this  time  Manco  Capac,  the  great  Inca  of  Peru,  the  famous  descendant 
of  the  Sun,  heard  of  Tammany,  and  was  naturally  desirous  of  meeting  such  a  wise 
chief  and  brave  warrior;  so  he  sent  a  messenger  to  ask  for  an  interview,  suggest- 
ing, as  a  suitable  place,  a  certain  location  in  Mexico,  which  was  about  equidistant 
from  the  home  of  each.  The  precise  object  which  the  Inca  desired  to  consult 
Tammany  about  was  the  best  form  of  government  for  Peru.  The  interview  took 
place,  and  passed  over  very  happily;  and,  with  many  mutual  compliments,  each 
returned  to  his  own  country,  well  pleased  to  have  met. 

As  the  Inca  Manco  Capac  is  considered  by  historians  as  the  founder  of  the 
Peruvian  nation,  and  lived  about  the  year  1250  a.  r>.,  it  is  obvious  that  this  legend 
of  Chief  Tammany's  journey  must  have  had  a  very  ancient  origin. 


(  HAPTER    111. 


TAMMANY'S  GIFT  OF  SYMBOLS  TO  THE  TRIBES 


FTER  the  chief's  return  from  this  long  journey,  which  con 
sumed  several  months,  Tammany  learned  that  the  Evil  Spirit 
had  taken  advantage  of  hi;  absence  and  had  entered  among  his 
people,  and  had  made  them  idle  and  dissipated,  and,  with 
these  faults,  disease  had  broken  out  in  the  tribe"  He  began  at 
once  to  reform  this  condition  of  things,  and  in  great  measun 
succeeded.  In  order  to  stimulate  his  people  and  arouse  their  flickering 
ambition,  he  summoned  them  all  before  him;  and.  feeling  that  Ins  end 
was  approaching,  and  that  he  could  not  much  longer  remain  with  them,  he  con 
ceived  the  following  plan  for  keeping  them  united,  at  the  same  time  placing  upon 
all  special  responsibilities.  He  divided  the  whole  of  his  people  into  thirteen 
tribes,  assigning  separate  duties  to  each,  and  giving  also  to  each  tribe  a  model, 
or  symbol,  to  remind  them  of  these  duties  as  follows: 

ist.  With  the  symbol  of  the  Eagle  he  gave  to  the  first  division  this  advice: 
"Children  of  the  hirst  Tribe,  the  Eagle  should  be  your  model.  He  soars  above 
the  clouds,  loves  the  mountain  tops,  takes  a  broad  survey  of  the  country  round. 
and  his  watchfulness  in  the  day-time  lets  nothing  escape  him.  From  him  learn  to 
direct  your  thoughts  to  elevated  objects,  to  rise  superior  to  the  fogs  of  prejudice 
and  passion,  to  behold  in  the  clear  atmosphere  of  reason  all  things  in  their  true 
light  and  posture,  and  never  expose  yourself  to  be  surprised,  while  the  sun 
shines,  in  a  fit  of  drowsiness  or  slumber. 

2d.  "'Children  of  the  Second  Tribe:  The  Tiger  affords  a  useful  lesson  for 
you.  The  exceeding  agility  of  this  creature,  the  extraordinary  quickness  of  his 
sight,  and,  above  all,  his  discriminating  power  in  the  dark,  teach  you  to  be  stirring 
and  active  in  your  respective  callings,  to  look  sharp  to  every  engagement  you 
enter  into,  and  to  let  neither  misty  days  nor  stormy  nights  make  you  lose  sight  of 
the  worthy  object  of  your  pursuit. 

3d.  "Children  of  the  Third  Tribe:  You  are  to  pay  good  attention  to  the 
qualities  of  the  Deer.  He  possesses  uncommon  readiness  of  hearing;  can  judge 
of  sounds  at  a  great  distance.  In  like  manner,  open  ye  your  ears  to  whatever  is 
passing;  collect  the  substance  of  distant  rumors,  and  learn,  before  dangers  sur- 
round your  cornfields  and  wigwams,  what  is  going  on  at  a  distance. 

4th.  "Children  of  the  Fourth  Tribe:  There  is  one  quality  of  the  Wolf  to 
which  I  would  call  your  attention.  His  wide  extent  of  nostrils  catches  the  atoms 
floating  in  the  air,  and  gives  him  notice  of  the  approach  of  his  prey  or  his  foe. 
Thus,  when  power  grows  rank,  and,  like  a  contagion,  sends  abroad  its  pestilent 
streams.  I  see,  the  wolf,  like  the  myrmidons"  of  Tammany,  the  first  to  rouse,  turn 
his  head,  and  snuff  oppression  in  every  breeze. 

5th.  "Children  of  the  Fifth  Tribe:  You,  my  children,  are  to  take  useful 
hints  of  the  Buffalo.     He  is  one  of  the  strongest  animals  in  the  wilderness:    but. 


Myrmidons  were  originally  soldiers  of  Achilles. 


i6 

strong  as  he  is,  he  loves  the  company  of  his  kind,  and  is  not  fond  of  venturing 
upon  distant  excursions  alone.  This  is  wise  in  the  buffalo,  and  wise  it  will  be  in 
you  to  imitate  him.  Operate  in  concert,  stand  too  ether,  support  one  another, 
and  you  will  be  a  mountain  that  nobody  can  move;  fritter  down  your  strength  in 
divisions,  become  the  sport  of  parties,  let  wigwam  be  divided  against  wigwam,  and 
you  will  be  an  ant-hill  which  a  small  pappoose  can  kick  over. 

6th.  "Children  of  the  Sixth  Tribe:  That  social  and  valuable  creature  the 
Dog  offers  something  for  you  to  profit  by.  The  warmth  of  his  attachment,  the 
disinterestedness  of  his  friendship,  and  the  unchangefulness  of  his  fidelity,  mark 
him  as  the  object  of  your  kindness  and  imitation.  Do  but  love  each  other  with 
half  the  warmth,  sincerity  and  steadiness  with  which  these,  your  constant  hunting 
companions,  love  you  all,  and  happiness,  comfort  and  joy  will  make  your  land 
their  dwelling  place,  and  ye  .shall  experience  all  the  pleasure  that  human  nature 
can  bear. 

7th.  "Children  of  the  Seventh  Tribe:  Von  are  to  take  pattern  after  the 
Heaver.  His  industry  merits  your  regard.  Forests  must  be  cleared,  hills  leveled, 
rivers  turned  to  accomplish  your  plans.  Labor  and  perseverance  overcome  all 
things;  for  I  have  heard  old  people  say  that  their  ancestors  assisted  in  making 
the  sun,  immense  as  he  appears,  by  collecting  into  a  heap  all  the  fire-Mies  and 
glow-worms  they  could  find,  and  the  moon,  whose  light  is  fainter  and  size  smaller, 
was  in  like  manner  formed  by  gathering  into  a  pile  all  the  fox-fire,  or  phosphoric 
decayed  wood  they  could  procure. 

8th.  "Children  of  the  Eighth  Tribe:  The  Squirrel,  my  children,  offers 
something  profitable  to  you.  It  is  his  practice  .is  he  has  a  foresight  of  winter. 
to  collect  acorns,  chestnuts  and  walnuts,  and  to  carry  them  in  large  quantities 
to  his  hole.  In  like  manner  it  becomes  you  to  look  forward  to  the  winter  of  life, 
and  have  some  provision  necessary  for  yourselves  at  that  needy  time.  This  yon 
may  enjoy  at  your  firesides,  while  all  around  you  frost  rends  the  trees  asunder, 
and  the  white  powder  lies  so  thick  upon  the  ground  that  you  cannot  venture  out 
without  your  snow-shoes. 

9th.  "Children  of  the  Ninth  Tribe:  Yon  are  to  learn  a  lesson  from  the  box. 
Me  looks  well  before  him  as  he  travels,  examines  carefully  the  ground  he  treads 
upon,  and  takes  good  care  that  his  enemies  do  not  come  upon  him  by  surprise. 
Such  keen  examination  will  guard  you  from  difficulties;  and  if,  in  the  course  of 
nature,  you  shall  be,  in  spite  of  all  this,  beset  l>\  them,  nothing  will  more  'ffectu- 
ally  enable  you  to  extricate  yourselves. 

10th.  "Children  of  the  Tenth  Tribe:  The  Tortoise,  who  supports  on  his 
hack  the  world  we  inhabit,  offers  a  world  of  instruction  to  you.  Were  it  not  for 
his  benevolence  in  keeping  afloat  on  the  immense  ocean  in  which  he  swims,  this 
land  we  inhabit  would  soon  go  to  the  bottom;  and  the  displeasure  he  feels  when 
men  lead  lives  of  idleness  and  vice,  when  they  quarrel  and  injure  their  neighbors 
and  families,  has  induced  him  more  than  once  to  dip  a  part  of  his  shell  under  the 
water  and  drown  a  set  of  wretches  no  longer  tit  to  live.  If,  the  1,  von  wish  to 
attain  a  long  life,  be  honest,  upright  and  industrious. 

1  1  tli.  "Children  of  the  Eleventh  Tribe:  I  recommend  to  y<  ur  at  ention  the 
wholesome  counsel  derived  by  man  from  the  Eel.  lie  was  never  known  to  make 
a  noise  or  disturbance  in  the  world,  nor  to  speak  an  ungentle  sentence  to  a  living 


'7 

creature.  Slander  never  proceeded  Prom  Ins  mouth,  nor  doth  guile  rest  under 
his  tongue.  Are  you  desirous,  my  children,  of  modest  stillness  and  quiet?  Would 
you  like  to  live  peaceably  among  men?  If  such  be  your  desires,  loam  a  lesson  of 
wisdom  from  the  Eel,  who,  although  he  knows  neither  his  birth  nor  his  parent- 
age, but  is  casl  ••hi  orphan  of  creation,  yet  shows,  by  his  strength  and  numbers, 
the  excellence  of  the  mode  of  life  he  lias  chosen. 

[2th.  "Children  of  the  Twelfth  Tribe:  I  shall  point  out  for  your  improve 
ment  some  excellent  traits  in  the  character  of  the  Bear.  He  is  distinguished  for 
his  patient  endurance  of  those  inconveniences  which  he  finds  it  impossible  to 
ward  off.  Thus,  when  scarcity  threatens  your  country  with  famine,  when  disease 
among  the  beasts  strews  your  hunting-grounds  with  carcasses,  when  insects 
destO)  your  beans,  and  worms  corrode  the  roots  of  your  corn,  when  the  streams 
refuse  their  accustomed  supplies,  or  when  the  clouds  withhold  their  rain,  bear 
with  patience  and  resignation  whatever  necessity  imposes  upon  you.  Show  your- 
selves men,  lor  it  is  adversity  which  gives  scope  to  yonr  talents. 

[3th.  "Children  of  the  Thirteenth  Tribe:  I  call  your  attention  to  the  econ- 
omy of  the  Bee.  You  observe  among  those  creatures  a  discipline  not  surpassed 
by  anything  the  woods  afford.  Idlers,  vagrants  and  embezzlers  of  public  prop- 
erty,  have  no  toleration  there.  Regularity  and  method  pervade  every  department 
of  their  government.  Borrow  from  them  an  idea  of  arrangement  in  business,  and, 
above  all,  derive  from  their  instructive  example  that  alchemy  of  mind,  which,  by 
an  operation  somewhat  analogous  to  the  production  of  nectar  from  venom,  con- 
verts private  feelings  into  public  advantages,  and  makes  even  crimes  and  vices 
ultimately  conducive  to  public  good." 

Having,  in  an  eloquent  speech,  such  as  the  Lenni-Lenapi  Indians  were 
renowned  for,  thus  endeavored  to  distribute  among  his  people  these  and  other 
vritues,  Tammany  felt  that  his  lifework  was  done:  and,  in  fact,  he  was  very  soon 
after  called  to  the  happy  hunting-grounds  of  his  tribe,  leaving  behind  him  a  repu- 
tation above  that  of  any  other  of  his  race  of  whom  we  have  any  knowledge,  as  he 
was  also  more  esteemed  and  beloved  than  any  of  his  tribe  before  or  since.  He  is 
said  to  have  been  buried  in  the  large  mound  within  the  ancient  Indian  fort  near 
Muskingum,  O.,  which  is  nearly  as  large  as  the  most  famous  of  the  Egyptian 
pyramids. 


eS 


CHAPTER   IV. 

FIRST    OFFICERS    OF   THE    TAMMANY    SOCIETY,    AND    ITS    EARLY 

HISTORY. 

RAND  SACHEM— William  Mooney. 

Sachems — White  Matlock,  Phillip  Hone,  John  Campbell, 
John    Burger,    Thomas    Greenleaf,    Cortlandt    Van    Beuren, 
Oliver  Glenn,  James  Tylee,  Gabriel  Furman,  Jonathan  Pierce, 
Abel  Hardenbrook,  Joseph  Goodwin. 
Treasurer — Thomas  Ash. 

Sagamore — John  Pintard. 

The  most  active  and  habitual  frequenters  of  the  Wigwam  while  its  meetings 
were  held  at  "Martling's"  are  thus  given  (in  Valentine's  Manual  of  the  City  of 
New  York):  John  Tryson,  Wm.  H.  Ireland,  John  Targee,  Benjamin  Romain, 
Eldad  Holmes,  George  Buckmaster,  Abraham  Valentine,  Joseph  Kimball,  Abra- 
ham Stagg,  John  Moss,  Abraham  Dally,  Dr.  Prince,  John  B.  Thorp,  Augustus 
Wright,  Lewis  Ford,  Clarkson  Crolius,  William  Mott.  Samuel  L.  Page,  W.  J. 
Waldron.  Among  other  members  were  Lieutenant-Colonel  Ebenezer  Stevens, 
Second  Regiment  Continental  Corps  of  Artillery  of  the  Revolution,  who  had 
been  a  member  of  the  Boston  "Tea  Party"  of  1773,  and  was  an  influential  member 
of  the  New  York  State  Society  of  the  Cincinnati,  and,  in  1814,  as  Major-Generak 
commanded  all  the  New  York  militia  in  the  United  States  service. 

This  party  had  at  times  very  lively  contests  with  the  Federalists  and  followers 
of  Alexander  Hamilton  and  other  political  assailants,  but  manfully  kept  together 
in  solid  phalanx  to  the  ever-growing  terror  of  the  diminishing  Federalists  and  al! 
others  inclined  to  disregard  the  rights  of  the  people. 

The  actual  organization  of  the  Columbian  Order,  or  the  Society  of  Tam- 
many, which  took  place  on  the  12th  of  May,  1780,  happened  about  two  weeks 
after  Washington  had  taken  his  initial  oath  of  office  as  President.  It  is,  therefore, 
the  oldest  political  organization  in  the  country,  none  having  held  together  con- 
tinuously for  anything  like  a  century.  Tammany  is  now  (1899)  over  one  hun- 
htmdred  and  ten  years  old. 

The  press  of  1789  describes  the  Society  of  Tammany  as  being  a  national 
society  consisting  of  American-born  citizens,  who  are  alone  eligible  to  hold  any  of 
its  offices,  except  the  merely  honorary  posts  of  "Warrior"  and  "Hunter,"  which 
may  be  filled  by  adopted  citizens.  "It  is  founded,"  said  the  Nexv  York  Daily 
Gazette,  "on  the  true  principles  of  patriotism,  and  has  for  its  motives,  charity  and 
brotherly  love.  Its  officers  consist  of  one  Grand  Sachem;  twelve  Sachems,  one 
Treasurer,  one  Secretary,  and  one  Doorkeeper.  It  is  divided  into  thirteen  Tribes, 
each  severally  representing  a  State  of  the  Union,  and  each  of  these  tribes  has  its 
own  Sachem.  The  honorary  posts  are  only  two  in  number,  those  of  Sagamore 
and  Wiskinskie." 

As  warriors  and  hunters  are  not  practically  called  for  in  modern  times,  the 
duties  of  these  officers  have  naturally  become  more  pacific.  That  of  Sagamore 
may  now  be  described,  in  a  general  way,  as  master  of  ceremonies,  and  custodian 


'9 

of  the  regalia,  etc.  The  regalia  collar  is  o)  Kghl  blue  velvet,  ornamented  with 
gold.  The  duties  of  Wiskinskie  include  thai  of  a  doorkeeper  who  holds  the  pass- 
word, and,  in  a  measure,  he  occupies  a  similar  position  to  thai  of  Tyler  in  a 
\I;im mic  I .odge. 

The  original  idea  of  founding  tliis  Societ)  of  Tammanj  is  to  be  credited  to  a 
business  man  of  New  York  City,  named  William  Mooney,  though  it  was  inevit- 
able that  some  such  association  would  be  formed;  for  opposition  to  the  arista 
cratic  tendencies  of  the  Federalists  was  in  the  air,  and  it  was  believed  by  many  of 
the  leading  citizens  to  be  absolutely  necessary  to  have  some  organized  body,  ready 
at  all  times  to  battle  for  the  preservation  of  the  pure  American  spirit,  and  antagon- 
ize every  symptom  of  departure  from  it. 

\\  ii  i  1A.M  Moonev  was  chosen  as  the  first  '.rand  Sachem.     His  immediate 
successor  was  William   l'itt  Smith,  in   1700;    then   followed  Josiah  Ogden    Hon" 
man;  I  >E  Witt  Clinton  being  Scribe  of  the  Council. 

The  Device  or  Certificate  of  Membership  is  quite  an  elaborate  piece  of  work. 
It  represents  "A  pointed  arch  composed  of  two  cornucopias,  resting  on  two  col- 
umns, on  each  side  of  which  are  two  figures — Liberty  and  Justice.  <  In  a  pedestal 
bearing  the  former  are  the  figures  1776 — 1789.  Below  the  foundation  on  which 
the  two  columns  rest  is  another  arch  standing  upon  a  rocky  base;  this  arch  is 
composed  of  thirteen  stones,  each  bearing  the  name  of  one  of  the  original  thirteen 
States.  The  keystone  is  Pennsylvania,  and  from  this  fact  arose  the  custom  of 
Speaking  of  that  State  as  the  'Keystone  State.'  Below  this  arch  of  rocks  is  a 
view  of  land  and  water,  containing  appropriate  symbols  of  agriculture  and 
commerce."  This  expressive  device  was  designed  by  Dr.  Charles  Buxton,  and 
engraved,  on  copper,  by  Mr.  George  Graham. 

From  its  first  organization  the  Indian  nomenclature  was  adopted  as  to 
divisions  of  time,  and  to  indicate  the  seasons,  as  well  as  in  the  titles  of  its  officials. 
Hie  early  notices  of  its  meetings  were  printed  in  the  same  symbolic  language — 
such,  for  instance,  as  "the  month  of  snows,'*  the  "month  of  flowers,"  the  "month 
of  fruits."  etc.;  also  using  the  changes  of  the  moon  in  the  same  way.  with  other 
imitations  of  the  aboriginal  customs,  as  calling  their  places  of  meeting  a  "wig- 
wam," and  their  conferences  "council  fires,"  and  so  forth.  This  probably  struck 
some  of  the  high-toned  Federalists  as  somewhat  puerile,  but  it  was  meant  to 
emphasize  their  intense  Americanism ;  and  the  country  soon  learned  that  these 
characteristics  of  the  society  could  be  turned  to  good  practical  account. 

Many  eventful  historical  scenes  are  connected  with  the  early  days  of  Tam- 
many, a^s  for  instance,  the  government's  relations  with  the  Creek  Indians.  Ever 
since  the  peace  of  1783  the  United  States  had  been  periodically  troubled  with 
Indian  outbreaks,  and  had  been  particularly  anxious  to  conciliate  the  Creeks, 
who  then  occupied  large  tracts  of  land  in  Florida  and  Georgia.  In  1790  a  plan 
was  devised  to  get  the  chief  of  this  tribe,  or  nation,  who  was  an  educated  half- 
breed,  to  come  to  New  York  with  some  of  his  people,  in  the  expectation  that  the 
sights  of  civilization  and  of  permanent  substantial  cities  would  make  the  red  men 
feel  their  weakness,  and  the  impossibility  of  resisting  the  supremacv  of  the  "pale- 
faces." In  the  winter  of  1790  an  agent.  Col.  Marinus  Willett,  was  sent  South  to 
the  Indian  country  to  invite  the  Chief  of  the  Creeks  to  come  and  visit  the  Great 
White  Father  in  New  York.     The  expedition  was  successful,  and  the  following 


summer,  "in  the  season  of  dowers,"  a  large  delegation  from  the  Creek  nation, 
under  the  conduct  of  their  chief,  who  bore  the  Scotch  name  of  Alexander  MeGil- 
very,  arrived  in  New  York. 

This  unusual  event  had  been  prepared  for  by  the  Tammany  Society  with 
extraordinary  elaboration.  The  members  of  the  Society  adopted  for  the  occasion 
the  entire  Indian  costume,  even  to  the  wearing  of  the  tomahawk  and  feathers.  In 
addition,  they  attached  to  the  back  of  the  head-dress,  as  an  extemporized  symbol 
of  the  visiting  tribe,  a  buck's  tail;  hence  arose  the  popular  sobriquet  which  the 
Society  long  bore,  of  the  "Bucktails."  The  Tammanv  Societv  also  pitched  tents 
on  vacant  lots  on  Hie  banks  of  the  Hudson  River,  now  one  of  the  busiest  sections 
of  busy  New  York.  When  the  Creeks  were  received  and  welcomed  by  the  "Buck- 
tails"  they  were  wonderfully  surprised  and  overjoyed,  thinking  they  had  found  a 
new  tribe  of  red  men,  giving  vent  to  their  excitement  in  loud  whoops,  which 
greatly  startled,  if  they  did  not  frighten,  the  Tammany  braves. 

Among  the  eminent  persons  present  on  this  occasion  was  Thomas  Jefferson. 
who  was  afterward  to  be  President  of  the  United  States;  Governor  George  Clin- 
ton, of  the  State  of  Xew  York;  Chief  Justice  Jay,  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States:  the  then  Secretary  of  State,  and  many  other  distinguished  persons. 
The  bands  of  Creeks  sang  their  tribal  songs,  called  the  E-tho-song,  after  which  the 
Grand  Sachem,  William  Pitt  Smith,  made  them  a  friendly  speech,  in  the  course  of 
which,  appealing  to  the  superstitious  nature  of  his  auditors,  he  assured  them  that, 
though  dead,  the  spirits  of  the  two  great  chiefs.  Tammany  and  Columbus,  were 
walking  backward  and  forward  in  the  wigwam. 

The  Sagamore  of  the  Society  then  offered  the  Creek  chief  the  calumet,  or 
pipe  of  peace,  when  immediately  one  of  the  Indians  bestowed  upon  the  Sagamore 
a  new  name;  he  called  him  Tuliva  Mico,  meaning  Chief  of  the  White  Town,  in 
the  evening  all  the  Indians  were  taken  to  the  theatre,  and  for  several  days  they 
■were  entertained  with  banquets,  "long  talks."  music,  and  whatever  else  could  be 
•devised  to  amuse  and  impress  them;  the  members  of  Tammany  wearing  their 
Indian  costumes  so  long  as  the  visit  of  the  t  recks  lasted.  In  consequence  of  this 
friendly  and  unique  reception  a  treaty  was  secured — as  the  aborigines  called  it, 
"a  treaty  of  friendship  with  Washington,  the  beloved  Sachem  of  the  Thirteen 
Fires."  The  result  was  a  long  period  of  peace  with  this  tribe,  which  has  long 
been  entirely  civilized,  and,  next  to  the  Cherokees,  the  most  advanced  in  the  arts 
of  civilization  of  any  of  the  aborigines  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States. 


CHAPTER    \ 


AFFILIATED  SOCIETIES. 
llIERE  were  other  "Tammany"  societies  formed  in  the  several 
States  about  the  time  of  the  New  York  organization,  and  also 
one  or  two  have  been  formed  in  recent  years.  The  Tammany 
Societj  of  Georgia  became  our  of  great  political  influence. 
Although,  in  its  origin,  the  New  York  Tamman)  was  ostensi- 
hl\  only  a  social  and  benevolent  body,  that  astute  Senator 
from  Pennsylvania,  William  Maclay,  seems  to  have  penetrated  the  dis- 
guise, for,  in  his  diary,  under  date  of  May  i,  17X1).  after  describing  the 
parade  of  ''the  Sons  of  Tammany,"  he  says:  "There  seems  to  be  some  kind  of 
scheme  laid,  of  erecting  some  kind  of  order  or  society,  under  this  denomination, 
l>nt  it  does  nol  seem  well  digested  yet."  He  evidently  suspected  that  there  was 
some  kind  of  political  purpose  concealed  under  the  accepted  name  of  the  Tam- 
many "braves." 

Just  about  the  same  period,  in  1789,  an  organization  of  a  similar  nature  was 
formed  in  Philadelphia.  Some  writers  claim  that  it  was  of  earlier  date  Mian  the 
New  York  society,  having  been  organized  on  the  first  day  of  May.  It  certainly 
existed  for  several  years,  but  never  exercised  any  very  potent  political  influence. 
As  its  annual  meetings  were  held  on  the  first  of  May,  it  had  probably  eleven  days 
precedence  as  to  age.  The  Philadelphia  Tammany  Society  had  two  places  of 
meeting:  one  in  the  city  in  a  building  known  as  the  London  Coffee  House,  on  the 
corner  of  Front  and  Market  streets.  This  was  a  general  resort  of  the  fashionable 
people  of  the  Quaker  City. 

It  was  patronized  by  Federal  judges.  Congressmen,  naval  and  military  offi- 
cers, as  well  as  by  wealthy  citizens.  In  the  summer  the  society  met  in  a  beautiful 
spot  on  the  banks  of  the  Schuylkill,  at  a  place  called  the  Wigwam. 

Heckewelder,  an  interesting  chronicler  of  contemporary  events,  makes  this 
reference  to  them- under  date  of  May  Jst:  "Numerous  societies  of  Tammany'* 
votaries  walked  together  in  procession  through  the  streets  of  Philadelphia,  their 
hats  decorated  with  bucktails,  and  proceeded  to  a  handsome  rural  place  out  of 
town,  called  the  Wigwam,  where,  after  a  'long  talk,'  or  Indian  speech,  had  been 
delivered,  and  the  calumet  of  peace  and  friendship  had  been  duly  smoked,  thev 
spent  the  day  in  festivity  and  mirth." 

The  Philadelphia  society  had  as  its  badge  the  eel,  which  shows  it  to  have 
been  the  eleventh  tribe,  as  designated  by  Chief  Tammany  in  his  gift  of  symbols. 
In  this  early  period  many  smaller  societies  appear  to  have  been  organized  which 
were  in  some  sort  auxiliaries  to  that  in  New  York,  which  was  the  second  tribe, 
or  tiger,  the  first,  or  eagle,  being  the  insignia  of  the  nation.  Little  is  known  of  the 
other  early  societies,  as  but  few  of  them  made  any  mark  in  politics;  they  won  only 
a  local  reputation,  and  finally  drifted  into  social  associations,  as  did  the  more 
promising  Philadelphia  organization.  There  is,  however,  one  at  least  in  Portland, 
Ore.,  which  gives  unmistakable  signs  of  life  and  activity;  but,  it  is  of  recent 
origin,  having  bepn  established  in  1887,  and  its  rules  have  been  closely  copied 
from  the  Tammany  organization  in  this  city. 


22 


,  the  New  York  World  published  the  following  evi- 


On  December  12 
dence  of  its  vitality: 
To  the  Editor  of  the  Worl4 : 

Tammany  Society,  of  Portland,  Ore.,  solicits  your  presence  as  a  guest  at  its  annual 
banquet,  to  be  given  on  the  evening  of  the  8th  day  of  January,  1892.  The  Democracy  of 
the  State  of  Oregon  has  been  invited  to  be  present,  and  numerous  invitations  have  been 
sent  to  prominent  Democrats  from  abroad.  It  5s  our  hope  to  be  able  to  make  the  occasion 
a  memorable  one  to  the  Democracy  of  Oregon. 

On  the  following  day,  Saturday,  January  9th,  the  State  .Convention  of  Democratic 
Societies  will  be  held,  when  the  first  permanent  organization  will  be  perfected. 

Trusting  that  you  may  be  able  to  participate  with  us,  we  are  courteously  yours, 

B.  Goldsmith,  President. 

M.  M.  Harris,  Secretary. 

Communications  to  be  addressed  to  P.  A.  E.  Starr,  Chairman  Executive  Committee, 
133  First  street,  Portland,  Ore. 

There  is  one  active  Tammany  society  at  the  present  time  at  Johnstown,  Cam- 
bria County,  Pa.,  one  in  Rhode  Island,  one  in  Texas,  and  undoubtedly  many 
others  scattered  over  the  country,  but  not  of  sufficient  extended  influence  to 
not  of  sufficient  extended  influence  to  require  enumeration  here. 


*3 


CHAPTER    VI. 

THE    TAMMANY     SOCIETY    AS     A     CONSERVATOR     OF    ART      THE 
TAMMANY  MUSEUM. 

|HERE  arc  now  probably  few  persons  who  criticise  the  affairs 
of  the  Tammany  Societj  who  realize  that  at  one  time  it 
was  the  only  organized  conservator  of  Art  in  the  countrj  :  and 
the  centre  of  archaeological  knowledge  in  the  City  of  New 
York.  In  the  same  \  ear  in  which  the  famous  visit  of  the 
(.reeks  occurred  the  Tammany  Society  established  a  Museum 
for  the  collection  and  preservation  of  everything  of  interest  relating  to  the 
antiquities  and  early  historj  of  America.  A  room  was  allotted,  for  this 
purpose  to  the  use  of  the  Society,  in  the  City  Hall,  then  located  in  Wall 
street,  near  Nassau.  Mr.  Gardiner  Baker,  a  member  of  Tammany,  was 
appointed  Custodian.  The  collection  of  curiosities,  principally  of  Indian 
origin,  though  by  no  means  exclusively  so,  soon  outgrew  the  limited  accom- 
modations in  the  City  Hall,  and,  in  1704.  these  treasures  were  removed  to 
a  brick  building,  then  standing  in  the  middle  of  Wall  street,  at  the  junction  of 
Broad  and  Pearl  streets;  it  was  known  as  the  "Exchange."  The  lower  part  of 
this  building  was  occupied  as  a  market,  but  the  upper  part,  baving  good  light  on 
all  sides,  proved  an  excellent  place  for  seeing  this  art  collection,  a  great  portion 
of  which  had  been  gathered,  or  otherwise  secured,  by  Mr.  Baker,  the  custodian, 
who  was  an  enthusiastic  scientist  and  naturalist;  and  the  following  year  the  whole 
contents  of  the  museum  were,  for  a  consideration,  transferred  by  the  Tammany 
Society  to  this  gentleman.  He  had  spent  much  time  and  money  in  making  these 
collections,  on  the  expectation  and  ardent  desire  that  these  interesting  and  curious 
objects  should  be  forever  known  as  "The  Tammany  Museum,"  and  with  the 
condition  that  the  families  of  the  founders  of  the  Society  should  always  have  free 
access  to  it. 

But  Baker  was  not  immortal;  and  could  not  control  the  future  fate  of  his 
valuable  collection.  (  hi  his  death  the  contents  of  the  museum  were  sold  to  a  Mr. 
W.  J.  Waldron,  and  went  partly  into  other  hands;  later  the  greater  part  were  sold 
to  the  "American,"  or  "Scudder's  Museum,"  and.  when  that  was  given  up,  some 
of  the  articles  were  bought  by  private  parties,  but  the  larger  portion  eventually 
passed  into  the  hands  of  P.  T.  Banium.  Probably  among  the  reasons  why  the 
Tammany  Society  had  lost  its  original  interest  in  the  collection  was  the  expense 
of  maintaining  it,  and  the  great  care  required  in  the  preservation  of  many  of  the 
articles,  proving,  as  it  did,  a  considerable  draft  upon  their  then  limited  funds, 
while  their  outside  patrons  were  few  in  number,  the  population  of  the  city  being 
then  so  small,  and  very  few  being  interested  in  archaeological  studies.  Then,  also, 
when  these  later  transfers  took  place,  the  society  was  greatly  interested  in  secur- 
ing official  recognition,  through  an  Act  of  Incorporation,  which  was  not  obtained, 
however,  until  1805. 

John  W.  Francis,  in  his  interesting  "History  of  Old  New  York,"  says  of 
this  matter-   "I  believe  that  old  Tammany  was  then  (the  time  of  Jay's  treaty)  too 


24 

intent  upon  obtaining  their  charter  to  continue  the  work  they  had  so  well  com- 
menced of  gathering:  together  the  relics  of  Nature  and  Art  to  be  found  in  this 
country.  In  this  collection  were  to  be  seen  wampum  beads,  tomahawks,  belts, 
earthen  jars  and  pots,  with  other  Indian  antiquities;  together  with  all  that  could 
be  found  of  Indian  literature,  in  war  songs,  hieroglyphic  writings  on  stone,  bark 
and  skins,  etc.,  etc."  If  this  enumeration  of  curios  seem  to  us  now  rather 
meagre  we  must  remember  that  it  was  founded  over  a  hundred  years  ago. 

A  recent  discovery  of  a  long-lost  Washington  portrait  links  the  year  1892 
with  this  old  Tammany  art  collector,  Gardiner  Baker.  The  Brooklyn  (N.  Y.) 
Eagle,  of  February  29,  1892,  contained  the  following  letter,  dated  Washington. 
D.  C: 

"Consul-General  Sherman,  of  Liverpool,  has  informed  the  State  Department  of  the 
discovery  in  the  Isle  of  Man,  of  a  portrait  of  Washington,  believed  to  be  one  of  the  three 
replicas  by  Gilbert  Stuart  from  his  original  painting  for  the  Marquis  of  Landsdowne;  and 
also  believed  to  be  the  identical  portrait  that  was  intended  for  the  Executive  Mansion. 
The  portrait  is  now  owned  by  Mr.  "William  Burrows,  and  is  for  sale  a^  the  price 
of  $1,000.  The  size  of  the  canvass  is  twenty  by  fifteen  inches."  Mr.  Sherman 
adds:  "If  a  genuine  Stuart,  it  would  seem  that  it  should  be  owned  by  the  United 
States."  A  photograph  of  the  portrait  accompanying  the  dispatch  shows  it  to  be 
a  Stuart  beyond  any  reasonable  doubt,  and  extracts  from  Black  and  White,  and  from  the 
Whitehall  Review,  give  an  interesting  account  of  the  history  of  the  portrait,  which  is  one 
of  the  most  singular  stories  in  the  history  of  art,  namely,  the  theft  and  disappearance  of 
an  authentic  portrait  of  George  Washington 

"This  third  portrait  was  painted  for  Mr.  Gardiner  Baker,  of  New  York,  an  active 
member  of  the  Society  of  St.  Tammany,  which  society,  at  his  suggestion,  established  a 
museum.  This  museum  was.  in  1794,  made  over  to  Mr.  Baker,  who  added,  among  other 
attractions,  this  full-length  portrait  of  the  General.  In  1796  he  appears  to  have  gone  to 
Boston  to  exhibit  the  picture,  but,  dying  there  of  yellow  fever,  the  portrait  went  to  a  Mr. 
Laing  in  satisfaction  of  a  claim.  After  a  time  the  committee  at  Washington  charged 
with  furnishing  the  President's  house,  bought  the  picture,  which  was  entrusted  to  one 
Winstanly  to  pack  and  deliver.  He,  however,  copied  the  Stuart;  delivered  the  copy  and 
fled  to  England  with  the  original.  Stuart  himself  was  the  first  to  discover  the  fraud, 
and  denounced  it.  but  the  false  copy  still  hangs  in  the  White  House;  while  the  original 
Stuart  once  owned  by  Mr.  Gardiner  Baker,  the  custodian  of  the  Tammany  museum,  is  now 
in  the  hands  of  a  picture  dealer  of  Douglas,  in  the  Isle  of  Man." 

Besides  the  creditable  record  which  the  Tammany  Society  made  in  the 
cause  of  art,  it  was  always  reads'  to  lead,  or  take  part,  usually  to  inaugurate  all 
public  movements  of  a  patriotic  nature,  or  to  commemorate  historical  events  of 
interest.  Thus  it  came  about  that  t lie  Tammany  Society  has  the  credit  of  having 
originated  the  first  Columbian  celebration.  "On  the  12th  of  October  \ji)2  (old 
style),  the  members  of  the  Tammany  Society  met  in  their  wigwam  to  celebrate  the 
discovery  of  America  by  Columbus.  A  monumental  obelisk  was  exhibited  in  the 
Hall,  and  an  eloquent  oration  on  the  great  mariner  was  delivered  by  Brother  J. 
B.  Johnson,  one  of  the  original  members  of  the  Society."  A  celebration  was  held 
later  in  Boston,  on  the  2^(\  of  (  )ctober,  but  Tammany  had  set  the  example. 


25 


CHAPTER  VII. 

PROGRESSIVE  POLITICAL  INFLUENCE  OF  THE  SOCIETY. 

LTH-OUGH  the  act  of  incorporation  of  the  Tammanj  Societ) 
docs  not  mention  any  political  object  as  a  motive  for  its 
formation,  it  was  from  the  first  an  essentially  political  associa- 
tion, though  not  professedly  so,  and  it  was  certainly  not 
partisan.  Keen  observers,  however,  even  on  the  very  day 
of  its  founding,  "saw  something  beneath  the  surface," 
and  that  "something"  very  gradually  but  steadily  gained  in  strength — it  was  politi- 
cal influence.  For  many  years  during  the  first  half  century  of  its  existence  no 
other  Democratic  party  was  heard  of  in  the  City  of  New  York  than  the  party 
whose  headquarters  wire  in  the  Wigwam,  called  indifferently  "Bucktails"  or 
"Tammanyites;"  and  the  general  principles  advocated  by  the  society  then,  allow- 
ing for  differences  of  time  and  circumstances,  were  the  same  as  now.  Mr.  Ham- 
mond, in  his  elaborate  work  entitled  the  "Political  History  of  the  State  of  New 
York,"  speaking  of  Governor  Tompkin's  embarrassment,  between  appointing  De 
Witt  Clinton  as  Mayor  of  the  city  (the  Mayors  of  the  city  being  then  appointed  by 
the  Governor),  and  the  fear  of  exciting  the  displeasure  of  the  Democratic  party  to 
which  he  owed  his  own  election,  says:  "The  Tammany  party  in  New  York,  which 
then  (1815)  really  constituted  the  Democratic  party,  pressed  for  his  removal. 
Tompkins  was  much  embarrassed,  as  he  did  not  want  to  offend  Clinton's  friends, 
and  yet  dared  not  encounter  die  resentment  of  the  New  York  Tammanyites.' 
The  first  notice  that  we  find  of  a  Democratic  State  Convention  was  the  intro- 
duction of  a  bill  in  the  Assembly,  in  1818,  by  Mr.  Edwards,  a  Tammany  member, 
calling  for  a  State  convention,  to  consider  the  appointment  of  officers.  The 
appointment  of  officers  had  always  previously  been  arranged  in  caucus,  by  the 
leaders  of  both  parties,  just  as  national  candidates  were  selected  in  Congressional 
caucus  before  national  conventions  were  thought  of.  In  1817  the  Democrats 
formed  their  first  county  conventions  through  the  State  (not  including  New  York 
City),  for  the  express  purpose,  as  they  announced,  "to  enable  the  Democrats 
living  in  counties  represented  in  the  Assembly  by  Federalists  to  have  some 
voice  in  nominating  the  Governor." 

In  the  convention  for  the  revision  of  the  State  Constitution,  in  1821,  the 
larger  proportion  of  delegates  were  Democrats;  those  named  from  New  York 
City  were  all  Tammany  men.  The  Speaker  of  the  Assembly  in  1822  was  Grand 
Sachem  Samuel  B.  Romaine.  The  only  divisions  of  any  account  up  to  this 
period  were  entirely  personal,  and  the  friends  and  enemies  of  DeWitt  Clinton 
made  nearly  all  the  discordance  that  materially  affected  the  partyin  New  York. 
A  little  later  came  divisions,  which  will  be  narrated  more  fully  elsewhere. 

But,  without  following  the  general  political  course  of  the  Society  further,  we 
here  give  a  verbatim  copy  of  the  act  of  incorporation  of  the  original  association. 


26 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

ACT    OF    INCORPORATION    OF    THE     SOCIETY    OF    TAMMANY,    OR 
COLUMBIAN  ORDER. 

An  Act  to  incorporate  the  Society  of  Tammany,  or  Columbian  Order,  in  the  City  of 
New  York.     Passed  April  9,  1805. 

Whereas,  William  Mooney  and  other  inhabitants  of  the  City  of  New  York  have  pre- 
sented a  petition  to  the  Legislature,  setting  forth  that  they,  since  the  year  1789,  have 
associated  themselves  under  the  name  and  description  of  the  Society  of  Tammany,  or 
Columbian  Order,  for  the  purpose  of  affording  relief  to  the  indigent  and  distressed  mem- 
bers of  the  said  association,  their  widows  and  orphans,  and  others  who  may  be  found 
proper  objects  of  their  charity,  they  therefore  solicit  that  the  Legislature  will  be  pleased 
by  law  to  incorporate  the  said  Society  for  the  purposes  aforesaid,  under  such  limitations 
and  restrictions  as  to  the  Legislature  shall  seem  meet. 

Therefore,  be  it  enacted  by  the  people  of  the  State  of  New  York,  represented  in  Senate 
and  Assembly,  That  such  persons  as  now  are,  or  shall  from  time  to  time  become  members 
of  the  said  Society,  shall  be,  and  are  hereby  ordained,  constituted  and  declared  to  be  a 
body  corporate  and  politic,  in  deed,  fact  and  name,  by  the  name  of  the  "The  Society  of 
Tammany,  or  Columbian  Order,  in  the  City  of  New  York,"  and  that  by  that  name  they 
and  their  successors  shall  have  succession,  and  shall  be  persons  in  law,  capable  of  suing 
and  being  sued,  pleading  and  being  impleaded,  answering  and  being  answered  unto,  in  all 
courts  and  places  whatsoever,  in  all  manner  of  actions,  suits,  complaints,  matters  and 
causes  whatsoever;  and  that  they  and  their  successors  may  have  a  common  seal,  and 
change  and  alter  the  same  at  their  pleasure;  and  that  they  and  their  successors  shall  be 
persons  capable  in  law  to  purchase,  take,  receive,  hold  and  enjoy  to  them  and  their 
successors,  any  real  estate,  in  fee  simple  or  for  tgrm  of  life,  or  lives,  or  otherwise;  and 
any  goods,  chattels,  or  personal  estate,  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  them  the  better  to 
carry  into  effect  the  benevolent  purposes  of  affording  relief  to  the  indigent  and  distressed; 
provided,  that  the  clear  yearly  value  of  such  real  and  personal  estates  shall  not  exceed 
the  sum  of  five  thousand  dollars;  and  that  they  and  their  successors  shall  have  full  power 
and  authority  to  give,  grant,  sell,  lease,  devise  or  dispose  of  the  said  real  and  personal 
estates  or  any  part  thereof,  at  their  will  and  pleasure;  and  that  they  and  their  successors 
shall  have  power  from  time  to  time  to  make,  constitute,  ordain  and  establish  by-laws, 
constitutions,  ordinances  and  regulations  as  they  shall  judge  proper,  for  the  election  of 
their  officers,  for  the  election  or  admission  of  new  members  of  the  said  corporation  and 
the  terms  and  manner  of  admission,  for  the  better  government  and  regulation  of  their 
officers  and  members,  for  fixing  the  times  and  places  of  meeting  of  the  said  corporation, 
and  for  regulating  all  the  affairs  and  business  of  the  sa'd  corporation;  provided,  that  such 
by-laws  and  regulations  shall  not  be  repugnant  to  the  Constitution  or  laws  of  the  United 
States,  or  of  this  State. 

For  the  better  carrying  on  the  business  and  affairs  of  the  said  corporation,  there  shall 
be  such  numbers  of  officers  of  the  said  corporation,  and  of  such  denomination  or  denomina- 
tions, to  be  chosen  in  such  manner  and  at  such  times  and  places  as  are  now,  or  shall  from 
time  to  time  be  directed  by  the  constitution  and  by-laws  of  the  said  corporation,  made  or  to 
be  made  for  that  purpose;  and  that  such  number  and  description  of  members  shall  be  suf- 
ficient to  constitute  a  legal  meeting  of  the  said  corporation  as  are  now  or  may  hereafter 
be  directed  by  the  said  constitution  and  by-laws  of  the  said  corporation. 

And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  this  Act  be  and  hereby  is  declared  to  be  a  public  act, 
and  that  the  same  be  construed  in  all  courts  and  places  benignly  and  favorably  for  every 
beneficial  purpose  therein  intended. 

[Signed]  Thomas  Tillotson, 

Secretary   of   State. 


27 


CHAPTER    IX. 

RECRUITS   FROM  THE    FEDERAL  PARTY. 

The  Democratic  part)  of  New  York,  with  the  Tammany  Society  as  its 
earliest  representative,  has  had  the  peculiar  and  pleasant  experience  of  frequently 

welcoming  back  into  its  ranks,  not  only  individual  members  who  have  tempo 
rarily  declined  to  act  with  the  majority,  hut  also  factional  parties  who  have  for  a 
time  acted  independently  under  other  names  <  Ine  of  the  most  remarkable  of 
these  accessions  occurred  early  in  its  history,  and  has  not  been  given  that  prom- 
inence in  the  political  histories  of  the  country  which  its  importance  deserves. 
This  was  a  sudden  desertion  of  fifty  of  the  leading  Federalists  of  the  da\  from 
their  own  ranks  and  their  application  for  membership  at  the  Wigwam.  This 
action  excited  much  interest  at  the  time,  including,  as  it  did,  the  whole  of  the 
powerful  Livingston  family  in  the  city,  including  the  renowned  Chancellor,  he 
having  joined  in  1700.  It  was  in  i<Sjo  that  this  body  of  fifty  old-time  opponents, 
members  of  the  Federal  party,  publicly  announced  their  withdrawal  from  their 
late  associates  and  their  intention  to  join  the  Democracy,  which,  of  course,  meant 
the  Tammany  Society. 

In  explanation  of  this  action,  in  referring  to  the  documents  of  that  time,  we 
learn  that  there  was  a  growing-  dissatisfaction  among  the  more  progressive  por- 
tion of  the  Federalists,  who,  in  the  language  of  their  day,  were  designated  as 
"High-minded  Federalists."  On  the  14th  of  April.  1820,  a  number  of  these  put 
out  a  public  address,  in  which  they  say:  "The  Federal  party  no  longer  exists;  as 
a  party,  it  is  dissolved  and  annihilated,  and  even  the  bonds  of  mutual  confidence 
and  private  regard  are  severed,  perhaps  forever."  And  again:  "The  Federalists 
have  now  no  ground  of  principle  on  which  to  stand."  And.  therefore,  these 
gentlemen  declare  their  intention  of  uniting  with  the  "great  Democratic  party  of 
the  State  and  Union."  This  extraordinary  manifesto,  which  was  of  considerable 
length,  was  signed  by  the  persons  whose  names  are  given  below,  representing  as 
highly  respectable  citizens  as  were  then  to  he  found  in  the  city,  either  in  politics 
or  society. 

List  of  the  fifty  Federalists  who  announced  the  death  of  their  party  and 
joined  the  Democrats:  T'eter  Jay  Monroe,  J.  O.  Hoffman,  Jonathan  Hasbrouk, 
George  D.  Wickham,  Morris  S.  Miller.  Melancthon  Wheeler.  Levi  Callcnder, 
Joshua  Whitney,  John  Suydam,  R.  W.  Stoddard.  David  Hudson,  H.  Mont- 
gomery. IT.  B.  Bender,  George  W.  Tibbits.  Thomas  Mumford,  John  Duer.  John 
A.  King,  Elisha  B.  Strong,  George  F.  Tallman,  Joshua  A.  De  Witt,  Charles  A. 
Foot,  James  Lynch,  Glen  Cuyler.  John  L.  Wendell.  Charles  King,  A.  B.  Has- 
brouk, T.  S.  Morgan,  Jeffrey  Wisner,  James  A.  Hamilton.  Ebenezer  Griffin,  John 
C.  Morris.  Livingston  Billings.  Tracey  Robinson.  Johnson  Verplank.  Henry 
Brown,  Thomas  J.  Delancy.  Thomas  G.  Waterman.  John  C.  Hamilton,  James 
Clapp,  William  A.  Duer,  William  P.  Sherman,  Isaac  Dubois,  Zeb.  R.  Shepherd, 
Alanson  Austin,  Garrit  Post,  Elisha  Ely,  IT.  Vanderlyn,  W.  W.  Mumford. 


28 


Another  party  of  Federalists  had  quitted  their  wonted  ranks  in  1812,  and 
joined  Tammany.  These  were  called  by  their  contemporaries  the  "Coody  party," 
the  name  being  given  in  reference  to  a  series  of  articles  published,  signed  Abime- 
lech  Coody,  the  author  of  which  severely  attacked  the  Federalists  for  their  British 
affinities  and  opposition  to  the  war.  These  letters,  as  was  afterward  learned, 
were  written  by  Gulian  C.  Verplanck,  and  were  especially  bitter  against  De  Witt 
Clinton.  Of  this  set  of  seceding  Federalists  the  historian  Horton  says:  "The 
leaders  of  the  Coody  party  were  Gulian  C.  Verplanck,  Hugh  Maxwell,  Jacob 
Ratcliff,  Richard  Hatfield,  Josiah  Heddin  and  John  Hopkins,  about  forty 
altogether;"  and  he  adds,  "they  rushed  into  Tammany  Hall,  claiming  to  have 
become  better  Democrats  than  even  the  old  chiefs  of  the  Wigwam.  Though  a 
few  of  the  ancient  braves  were  inclined  to  be  wary,  the  Coodyites  were  cordially 
received  and  granted  seats  'around  the  Council  Fire.'  The  sequel  is  interesting. 
Shortly  after  Ratcliff  was  made  Mayor;  Hatfield  became  Clerk  of  the  Sessions, 
and  Maxwell  was  made  District  Attorney.  In  retaliation,  when  De  Witt  Clinton 
became  Governor,  he  removed  a  number  of  Tammany  men  from  office;  but  most 
of  them  were  restored  by  his  successor,  Governor  Joseph  C.  Yates." 

In  the  course  of  these  pages  the  fact  will  be  discovered  that  nearly  all  the 
seceders  from  Tammany  Hall,  who  have  at  any  time  taken  the  shape  of  new 
parties,  have  eventually  returned  to  the  shelter  of  the  great  Wigwam,  and  have 
usually  found  themselves  happier  there  than  in  endeavoring  to  maintain  separate 
action  as  Democrats. 


2g 


CHAPTER  X. 

EARLY  CELEBRATIONS  OF  THE  FOURTH  OF  JULY. 

T  will  probably  be  ;i  surprise  to  man)  people  t<>  learn  that  for 
several  years  after  its  formation  the  Society  of  Tammany 
celebrated  the  Fourth  of  July  by  a  semi-religious  service, 
listening  to  a  sermon  as  well  as  the  reading  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence.  In  1791  the  Tammany  Society  invited  the 
Rev.  Dr.  William  Linn,  of  the  Middle  Reformed  Dutch 
to  preach  before  them  on  the  national  anniversary.  \  copy  of 
iion.  now  over  a  century  old,  is  preserved  in  the  collections  of 
ihe  Long  Island  Historical  Society.  The  Tanunanyites  of  that  day  had 
the  grace  not  only  to  thank  the  preacher  in  very  handsome  terms  for  his 
sermon,  but  they  also  requested  the  loan  of  the  manuscript  for  the  purpose  of 
securing  printed  copies  of  the  same;  of  which  six  hundred  were  ordered.  There 
were  not.  of  course,  any  stenographic  reporters  in  those  days;  nor,  if 
there  had  been,  any  newspapers  large  enough  to  have  given  space  to  such 
lengthy  matter.  In  this  sermon  the  reverend  gentleman  had  dilated  at  length 
upon  the  great  size  and  geographical  advantages  of  the  country,  as  well  as  its 
political  superiority  over  the  nations  of  Europe,  dropping  into  poetry,  by  quoting 
the  well-known  lines: 

"What   is  life?     .... 
'Tis  not  to  stalk  and  draw  fresh  air 
From  time  to  time,  to  gaze  upon  the  sun. 
'Tis  to  be  free!     When  liberty  is  gone 
I. if«>    urows    insipid,    and    has    lost    its    relish." 

.Music  and  the  reading  of  a  religious  and  patriotic  ode  concluded  the  cele- 
bration. 

In  1703  the  4th  of  July  was  again  celebrated  by  the  Tammany  Society  bv 
listening  to  a  sermon;  this  time  by  a  Presbyterian  clergyman,  the  Rev.  Samuel 
Miller,  who  took  for  his  general  argument  the  proposition  that  Christianity  is  the 
surest  basis  of  political  liberty. 

In  explaining  his  choice  of  a  subject,  he  said:  "To  this  choice  of  a  subject 
am  I  led  by  the  recollection  that  the  respected  society  to  which  this  discourse  is 
in  a  particular  manner  addressed  hold  up  as  the  great  object  of  their  attention 
everything  that  may  tend  to  promote  the  progress  of  civil  liberty,  and  to  trans- 
mit it  pure  and  undefiled  to  the  latest  posterity,"  adding  to  these  noble  words 
many  more  complimentary  remarks  on  the  patriotism  of  the  Tammany  Society. 

We  will  refer  to  only  one  more  of  these  early  religious  celebrations  of  the 
national  anniversary  by  Tammany;  this  was  in  1794,  and  was  conducted  by  an 
Episcopalian,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Fillmore.  This  gentleman  struck  a  more  florid  style 
of  oratory  than  the  society  had  hitherto  been  treated  to.  His  especial  theme  was 
unity,  and  he  thus  saluted  the  members  of  the  Tammany  Society  before  him: 
"Hail,  patriot  leaders  of  the  happy  tribes!  Raise  your  banners  in  the  temple  of 
honor  of  our  Heavenly  King!  To  you,  gentlemen,  we,  and  all  our  citizens,  are 
much  indebted  for  your  encouragement  of  art.  and  the  science  of  archaeology,  in 


3" 

the  establishment  of  the  museum  which  arose  under  your  auspices,  and  which  has 
already  been  enriched  by  your  liberality;  not  only  with  a  choice  collection  of  the 
curious  productions  of  nature,  but  likewise  with  some  of  the  most  masterly  pro- 
ductions of  literature,  particularly  those  treating  of  the  rights  of  man,  which  will 
happily  preserve  them  from  oblivion." 

On  a  later  occasion  an  orator  named  J.  B.  Johnson  also  addressed  the  society 
on  the  necessity  of  preserving  a  strict  union,  not  only  among  themselves,  but  a 
friendly  union  between  the  States.  One  of  his  expressions  emphasizes  strongly 
the  immense  growth  of  the  United  States  since  that  day;  alluding  to  the  great 
size  of  the  country  as  an  additional  reason  and  necessity  for  unity,  he  exclaims: 
"  A  land  stretching  from  New  Hampshire  to  Georgia."  Not  seeing  in  prophetic 
vision  the  immense  expansion  which  was  to  come,  he  still  proceeded  to  argue 
that  on  account  of  the  great  size  of  the  United  States,  and  the  large  number  com- 
posing the  Union,  that  the  sovereignty  of  each  individual  State  should  be  care- 
fully watched  over  and  maintained.  Indeed,  this  address  is  one  of  the 
earliest  as  well  as  most  outspoken  appeals  in  advocacy  of  State  rights,  as  against 
any  possible  encroachments  of  the  General  Government.  "How,"  he  asks,  "can 
one  eye,  however  wakeful  and  piercing,  watch  the  sacred  deposit  of  the  people's 
interests  with  so  much  safety  as  the  quick  and  vivid  glance  of  fifteen  (Vermont 
and  Kentucky  were  then  included  in  the  Union)  sovereign  and  United  States?" 
In  concluding  his  address,  he  thus  compliments  the  fraternal  spirit  of  the  Tam- 
many Society:  "Suffer  me,  brothers  to  offer  to  you  the  sentiment  of  my  fraternal 
affection  and  regard.  Within  the  walls  of  your  wigwam  has  my  heart  often 
expanded  with  genuine  delight;  there,  innocent  pleasure  wanders  free  and 
unmolested,  and  smiles  on  every  guest.  There  friendship,  founded  on  the  purest 
motives,  knits,  in  the  firm  knot  of  Union,  the  hearts  of  every  true  brother;  there 
the  flame  of  patriotism,  kindled  by  the  tongue  of  eloquence,  and  the  sweet  voice 
of  freedom,  darts  from  soul  to  soul,  and  illuminates  your  peaceful  hall.  And 
there,  if  I  have  any  love  for  my  country,  any  ardor  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  any 
strong  desire  for  the  happiness  of  mankind,  there  have  these  virtues  been  born, 
being  also,  by  your  precept  and  example,  exalted  and  refined.  Brothers,  keep  in 
mind  that  you  are  the  Union  in  miniature.  Many  are  your  fires,  but  they  all 
burn  within  the  same  circle.  Many  are  your  links,  but  they  all  constitute  one 
bright,  strong,  and,  I  trust,  enduring  chain." 

From  those  early  days  until  the  present  time,  whether  the  orator  of  the  day 
used  the  form  of  a  sermon  or  a  simply  patriotic  address,  the  Tammany  Society 
never  celebrated  the  Fourth  of  July  without  listening  to  the  reading  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  a  custom  well  worthy  of  imitation  by  other  asso- 
ciations. 

In  i <S 1 3  several  societies  united  with  Tammany  in  celebrating  the  national 
anniversary,  including  the  George  Clinton  Association.  The  orator  of  the  day 
was  Mr.  John  Rodman.  The  war  with  Great  Britain  was  then  in  progress,  and 
in  the  course  of  his  address  several  of  the  Eastern  States  came  under  the  scalpel 
of  the  speaker.  Me  said:  "Sons  of  Tammany,  to  keep  alive  the  patriot  flame  is 
the  object  of  our  association,  and  the  basis  of  our  institution.  Under  the  Tree  of 
Libert)  we  have  for  many  years  smoked  the  Calumet  of  Peace,  and  rejoiced  at  the 
prosperity  of  our  country.  But  now  the  thunders  of  war  inunnur  in  our  ears, 
and  while,  in  some  of  the  States,  those  who  should  be  active  sit  supine,  others- 


31 


seem  inclined  to  encourage  the  enemy."  In  justification  of  such  remarks  it  will 
be  remembered  that  many  of  the  influential  men  of  New  England,  the  merchants, 
manufacturers  and  shippers,  were  mainly  Federalists,  and,  in  a  measure,  for  party 
reasons,  bul  still  more  upon  financial  considerations,  wen-  even  then  considering 
the  convening  of  the  famous,  or,  shall  we  say  infamous,  "Hartford  Convention," 
which  actually  took  place  some  five  months  later.  The  attitude  of  the  Federalists 
of  New  England  at  tins  tune  was  naturally  regarded  by  all  good  Democrats  as 
semi-traitorous,  and  verj  fair  subjects  for  a  scathing  rebuke  on  the  Fourth  of 
July.  In  addition  to  his  criticism  on  New  England,  Mr.  Rodman  discussed  tin- 
question  of  the  maritime  rights  of  the  United  States,  not  failing  to  denounce,  as 
the  Democrats  always  had  done,  "Jay's  Treaty,"  which,  it  is  now  universally 
admitted,  surrendered  too  much  to  the  claims  of  England.  "Our  ships, " 
exclaimed  the  orator,  "are  a  part  of  our  territory,  and  England's  non-expatriation 
theory  can  never  be  admitted." 

At  a  special  meeting  held  on  March  31,  1817,  to  celebrate-  the  twelfth  anni- 
versary of  the  incorporation  of  the  Society  of  Tammany,  or  Columbian  ( )rder 
over  which  Samuel  l'.errian,  Esq.,  presided,  the  animus  of  the  meeting  was 
mainly  directed  against  the  attempt  of  Spain  to  repress,  by  force  of  arms,  the 
rising  spirit  of  liberty  which  was  beginning  to  show  itself  in  the  Spanish  colonies 
of  Central  and  South  America.  One  of  the  speakers  commented  severely  on 
those  members  of  Congress  who  had  voted  to  raise  their  own  pay.  "Do  you 
think,  or  can  you  imagine,"  said  he,  "that  any  representative  will  perform  his 
legislative  functions  with  more  ability  for  this  increase  of  salary?  Gold  may  shed 
a  factitious  splendor  over  infamy  and  crime,  but  gold  never  did,  and  never  can, 
add  a  single  throb  to  the  impulse  of  integrity." 

We  have  given  considerable  space  to  these  early  orators  of  Tammany, 
more,  perhaps,  than  is  intrinsically  interesting,  but  there  certainly  seems  no  better 
way  to  get  at  the  animating  spirit  of  any  set  of  men,  politicians  or  others,  than  to 
let  them  speak  for  themselves  at  times,  and  under  circumstances,  when  there  was 
no  motive  for  suppression  or  concealment.  Tammany  shows  well  under  this 
retrospective  light. 


CHAPTER  XL 


POETS  AND  LITERATI  OF  TAMMANY. 

()  those  unacquainted  with  the  early  history  and  social  standing 
of  the  Tammany  Society  it  may  be  somewhat  of  a  surprise  to 
learn  how  large  a  proportion  of  the  literary  men  of  the  period 
were  habitual  habitues  of  the  Wigwam. 

We  have  elsewhere  called  attention  to  the  fact  that 
the  Tammany  Society  was  never  without  a  supply  of 
oratorical  and  poetical  talent  more  than  sufficient  to  embellish  with  appro- 
priate poems  and  songs  the  ceremonies  of  its  anniversaries  and  other  festal 
occasions;  indeed,  it  may  truthfully  be  said  that  for  the  first  eighty  years 
of  Tammany's  existence  all  the  best  poetry  of  New  York  was  Democratic; 
and  nearly  all  the  well-known  poets  were  Tammany  men.  One  of  the 
earliest  of  these  was  Philip  Freneau,  but  a  name  much  better  known,  because 
later,  is  that  of  William  Cullen  Bryant.  He  is  too  well  known  to  require  any 
biographical  notice  here,  but,  in  evidence  of  his  practical  sympathy  and  cordial 
fraternization  with  the  other  Tammany  poets  of  his  day,  we  have  only  to  call 
attention  to  his  estimation  of,  and  cordial  friendship  with,  the  late  William  Leg- 
gett — one  of  the  leaders  of  the  "Loco  Foco"  party,  which  temporarily  separated 
from  Tammany  Hall,  but  reunited  with  the  old  society  after  the  experience  of  a 
brief  independent  career. 

William  Leggett,  one  of  the  sweetest  of  American  poets,  was  for  a  con- 
siderable time  associated  with  Bryant  in  the  editorial  work  of  the  Evening  Post, 
and  subsequently  in  the  conduct  of  the  Democratic  Review.  It  was  in  this  latter 
periodical,  after  Leggett's  death,  that  Bryant  wrote  that  beautiful  poetical  tribute 
to  the  friend  he  valued  almost  above  any  other,  commencing: 

"The    earth   may   ring   from    shore    to    shore. 

With  echoes  of  a  glorious  name; 
But  he  whose  loss  our  hearts  deplore, 
Has  left  behind  him  more  than  fame." 
Mr.  Leggett  himself  is  best  known  to  lovers  of  poetry  by  that  most  tender 
lyric  beginning: 

"If  yon   bright  stars  which   gem   the   night, 
Be  each  a  blissful  dwelling  spin  re." 

Bul  to  politicians  his  newspaper  work  furnishes  an  inexhaustible  mine  of 

elevated  Democratic  thought  and  suggestion,  which  can  never  be  outgrown  or 

become  obsolete. 

*         *         * 

Pun. ip  FRENEAU  was  of  French  Huguenot  descent,  but  came  to  New  York 

in  1774,  when  the  patriot  blood  of  the  colonists  was  in  a  ferment  over  the  question 

of  defying  British  rule  and  declaring  the  country  independent.     He  immediately 

identified  himself  with  the  interests  of  America,  and  became  a  zealous  patriot. 

Having  mercantile  interests  in  the  West  Indies,  in  1778,  he  had  taken  passage  for 

St.  Eustasia.  but  the  vessel  had  scarcely  gol  beyond  the  Capes  of  Delaware  when 


he  was  overhauled  by  a  British  frigate  and  captured  Mr.  Freneau,  with  all  on 
hoard,  being  made  prisoners,  and  broughl  hack  to  the  port  of  New  York,  this 
city  being  then  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  [Tie  young  Frenchman  was  first 
placed  on  hoard  of  the  "prison  ship  Scorpion,"  then  lying  in  the  North  River, 
where,  falling  very  ill,  he  was  transferred  to  the  so-called  "hospital  ship,"  in  the 
Wallabout.  What  he  endured  in  these  wretched  ahodes  he  has  partly  succeeded 
in  telling  in  a  long  poem,  entitled  "The  British  Prison  Ships."     It  commences 

"The  various  horrors  of  these  hulks  (,>  tell," 

and  goes  on  to  describe,  first,  his  experience  on  the  Scorpion,  which  appears 
had  enough,  yet  not  equal  to  the  misery  of  the  hospital,  as  to  which  a  victim 
already  there  salutes  him  with  the  exclamation: — 

"It"   that   was   purgatory,   this   is   hell." 

By  some  means  now  unknown,  perhaps  by  bribing  the  guard,  Mr.  Freneau 
managed  to  escape  from  his  captors,  and.  after  peace  was  proclaimed,  he  settled 
down  to  literary  persuits  in  New  York,  where  he  was  recognized  as  the  "Patriot 
Poet."  As  soon  as  the  Tammany  Society  was  formed  he  was  naturally  found 
fraternizing  with  the  "hraves"  of  the  wigwam.  He  was  offered  a  Government 
position  by  President  Jefferson,  but  declined  the  honor.  He  was  always  greatly 
interested  in  the  fate  of  the  American  Indians,  and  one  of  his  longest  poems  is 
called  "The  Prophecy  of  King  Tammany." 

*         *         * 

Fitz-Greene  Halleck.  A  very  pleasant  name  to  remember  in  this  con- 
nection is  that  of  Halleck — a  name  known,  like  Bryant's,  to  every  scholar 
throughout  Christendom,  as  well  as  to  every  school-boy  in  the  United  States. 
Though  this  genial  poet  was  a  native  of  Connecticut,  he  was  for  fifty  years  a 
resident  of  the  City  of  New  York.  This  he  considered  his  home ;  elsewhere,  even' 
in  his  native  village,  he  was  but  a  "guest."  That  he  was  an  habitual  visitor,  and 
always  welcome  in  the  wigwam,  we  have  his  own  words  for,  in  some  verses  of 
which  the  following  couplet  forms  part,  where,  speaking  of  Tammany  Hall,  he 
says: 

"In  the  time  of  my  youth  it  was  pleasant  to  call 
For  a  seat  and  segar  'mid  the  jovial  throng." 

It  was  in  his  later  days  that  these  verses  were  written,  which  exhibited  the 
geniality  of  his  nature  and  his  Burns-like  conception  of  good-fellowship.  One  of 
Mr.  Halleck's  first  literary  friendships  was  formed  with  that  other  charming  poet, 
Joseph  Rodman  Drake,  and  it  was  in  memoriam  of  this  gifted  friend  that  he 
wrote  the  oft-quoted  lines: 

"Green    be    the    turf    above    thee, 

Friend  of  my  better  days.  etc. 

Fitz-Greene  Halleck's  special  forte  was  undoubtedly  that  of  good-humored 
satire,  which  was  as  often  applied  to  his  friends  as  his  political  opponents,  of 
which  Grand  Sachem  Walter  Bowne  (who  was  also  Mayor  of  New  York)  was 
once  a  victim.  At  that  time,  1820,  the  Mayor,  as  a  prerogative  of  his  office,  had 
been  making  somewhat  of  a  political  sweep  of  hold-over  officials,  to  the  surprise 
of  some  of  his  adherents  and  the  consternation  of  others.  Very  shortly  after  these 
changes  had  been  affected  there  appeared  in  one  of  the  city  papers  an  "Address 
to  W.  .  .  .r  B.w.e.,"  of  which  we  can  make  room  for  a  few  lines  only: 


34 

"We  do  not  blame  you  W B 

For  a  variety  of  reasons; 
You're  now  the  talk  of  half  the  town 
A  man  of  talent  and  renown, 

And  will  be,  for  perhaps  two 


How  could  you  have  the  heart  to  strike 
From  place  the  peerless  Pierre  Van  Wyck. 
And  the  twin  Colonels,  Haines  and  Pell, 
Squire  Fessenden,  and  Sheriff  Bell? 

And  when -you  visit  us  again, 
Leaning-  at  Tammany  on  your  cane, 
Like  warrior  on  his  battle- blade, 
You'll  mourn  the  havoc  you  have  made." 

Joseph  Rodman  Drake  was  another  of  the  brilliant  poetic  coterie  who 
found  genial  companionship  and  political  sympathy  in  the  Wigwam.  His  finest 
poem,  considered  as  purely  literary  work,  is  no  doubt  "The  Culprit  Fay,"  but  he 
is  probably  more  generally  remembered  as  the  author  of  that  soul-stirring  pro- 
duction: 

".When   Freedom,    from    her   mountain    height, 
Unfurled  her  standard  to  the  air,"  etc. 

Washington  Irving  was  one  of  the  famous  group  of  literary  friends  whose 
political  affiliations  were  with  Tammany  Hall,  but  from  the  fact  that  he  spent  so 
much  of  his  active  life  abroad  his  name  figures  less  constantly  in  the  annals  of 
the  society  than  some  of  his  confreres.  The  Democratic  President,  Madison, 
offered  him  a  Secretaryship  in  the  Navy,  which,  however,  he  declined,  lie 
accepted  the  appointment  of  Minister  to  Spain  from  President  Tyler,  remaining 
abroad  at  that  time  four  years.  On  his  return  to  New  York  he  was  welcomed 
with  the  greatest  enthusiasm,  as  one  who  had  done  much  to  elevate  the  literary 
reputation  of  his  native  country  abroad.  His  old  friends  of  the  Tammany  Society 
were  among  the  most  ardent  of  his  admirers. 

At  a  meeting  held  in  the  Wigwam  he  was  named  as  a  candidate  for  the 
Mayoralty,  which  event  the  late  George  William  Curtis  thus  described,  in  the 
■course  of  a  lecture  given  in  New  York:  "Tammany  Hall  unanimously  and 
vociferously  nominated  him  for  Mayor,  an  incident  which  transcends  the  most 
humorous  touch  in  Knickerbocker's  history."  That  Mr.  Curtis  should  see  any- 
thing jocose  in  this  perfectly  serious  nomination  by  Tammany  probably  arose 
from  the  fact  that  he  never  realized  the  intense  Americanism  of  the  Tammany 
Society.  It  was  not  as  a  literary  man  especially  that  they  desired  to  honor  Mr. 
Irving,  for  they  had  always  plenty  of  literary  timber  at  hand,  but  partly  for  old 
association's  sake,  and  from  their  natural  instinct  to  honor  any  man  who  had 
brought  honor  to  America. 

For  several  years  there  was  in  New  York  City,  dating  from  the  !asl  decade 
of  the  last  century  and  coming  down  to  comparatively  modern  times,  a  some- 
what exclusive  but  very  able  and  interesting  group  of  literary  workers  known 
as  the  "Literary  Confederacy,"  nearly  all  of  whom  were  more  or  less  affiliated 
with  Tammany,  of  which  association  Gulian  C.  Verplanck  was  the  head.  Thej 
were  a  genial  set,  and  all  men  of  rare  talent  and  wit,  as  well  as  patriotic  Demo- 
crats.   Among  them  was  the  poet  Robert  C.  Sands,  to  whom  Appleton  gives  an 


35 

extended  notice  In  Ins  '  Biographical  Cyclopaedia."  Robert's  fathei  had  be?n  <* 
noted  hero  in  the  Revolutionary  War,  and  the  son  was  thoroughly  imbued  with 
the  spirit  of  independence.  In  the  winter  of  [822  3,  in  conjunction  with  his  friend 
Eastburn  (afterward  Bishop  of  Rhode  Island),  he  started  a  magazine,  winch  he 
called  the  "St.  Tammany  Magazine,"  bul  his  periodical  had  not  a  very  long  life; 
and,  thus  when  Charles  Fenno  Hoffman  started  the  "Knickerbocker,"  he  trans- 
ferred his  talents  to  that  successful  magazine.  His  most  elaborate  poem  was  on 
the  -real  Sachem  of  the  Pequods,  entitled  "King  Philip's  War."  Mr.  Sands  had 
tin-  peculiar  faculty  of  writing  with  more  Facility  in  the  presence  of  others  than 
when  alone. 

Did  space  permit,  we  should  like  to  give  some  account  of  many  more  of 
the  Tammany  poets,  including  Edward  Sanford,  Attorney-General  of  the  United 
States,  who  assisted  materially  in  the  election  of  Martin  Van  Buren  to  the  Presi- 
dency. Like  others  of  the  early  American  poets,  the  picturesque  natives  of  the 
soil  attracted  their  peculiar  sympathy.  One  of  Mr.  Sanford's  best  efforts  is 
revealed  in  a  poetical  address  to  Blackhawk,  commencing: 

"There's  beauty  on  thy  brow,  old  Chief." 

Elsewhere  in  these  pages  will  be  found  references  to  others  of  the  poet  class, 
with  a  somewhat  more  detailed  account  of  one  of  the  more  modern,  Mr.  1 1  alpine 

John  Pintard  was  one  of  the  "all-round"  literary  men  of  the  earlier  period. 
He  was  Tammany's  first  Sagamore.  Mr.  Pintard  was  one  of  those  cultivated 
men,  active  in  every  intellectual  work  of  which  the  history  of  the  Tammanv 
Society  furnishes  so  many  examples.  When  quite  a  young  man  John  Pintard 
served  as  a  clerk  in  the  store  of  his  uncle,  the  renowned  patriot  and  philanthropist, 
Elias  Boudinot,  President  of  the  Congress,  in  1782,  and,  as  such,  signer  of  the 
Treaty  of  Peace  with  Great  Britain.  Young  Pintard  shared  with  this  intellectual 
relative  not  only  his  taste  for  history  and  science,  but  also  his  love  of  country  and 
of  Democratic  principles.  He  bad  many  opportunities,  during  the  War  of  the 
Revolution,  to  see  the  cruel  treatment  of  the  prisoners  held  by  the  British  in  the 
overcrowded  prisons  of  New  York,  and  in  later  years  was  often  heard  to  describe 
the  condition  of  the  old  Dutch  Church  on  Nassau  street,  with  its  pews  and  pulpit 
torn  out,  into  which  was  thrust  some  three  thousand  prisoners. 

He  was  one  of  the  original  organizers  of  the  Tammany  Society,  and,  as 
stated  above,  its  first  Sagamore.  He  was  also  an  active  and  zealous  promoter  of 
the  Tammanv  Museum,  established  in  1791,  under  the  guardianship  of  Mr.  Baker. 
Indeed,  this  Tammany  Museum  was  the  forerunner  of  the  New  York  Historical 
Society,  of  which  Mr.  Pintard,  with  other  prominent  Tammanv  men,  was  the 
founder,  some  dozen  years  later.  It  was  in  1804  that  Mr.  Pintard  met  by  appoint- 
ment with  the  following  gentlemen  in  the  old  City  Hall,  then  in  Wall  street,  for 
the  purpose  of  forming  the  Historical  Society  of  New  York.  These  were  Messrs. 
De  Witt  Clinton,  Peter  Gerard  Stuyvesant,  Anthony  Bleecker  and  some  others. 
Mr.  Pintard*  was  appointed  on  the  committee  to  draft  a  constitution.  The  old 
members  of  the  Tammanv  Society,  who  had  been  interested  in  the  Archaeological 
Museum,  came  largely  to  the  support  of  this  new  institution,  and  for  some  years 
the  infant  Historical  Society  held  its  meetings  in  the  same  rooms  formerly  occu- 
pied by  the  Tammany  Museum  in  Wall  street. 


•Mr.  Moncure  D.  Conway,   in  his  "Life  of    Thomas    Paine,"    makes    the    mistake    of 
naming  Pintard  as  the  founder  of  Tammany. 


36 


Mr.  Pintard*s  activities  were  not  limited  to  the  collection  of  curios  or  histori- 
cal works.  He  was  a  practical  philanthropist,  a  prominent  member  of  the  Bible 
Society,  and  a  trustee  of  the  Sailors'  Snug  Harbor;  he  was  an  early  advocate  of 
the  common  school  system,  and  encouraged  the  establishment  of  savings  banks; 
and  to  him  we  are  largely  indebted  for  the  sensible  system  adopted  in  laying  out 
the  streets  and  avenues  of  New  York  City.  Such  a  man  could  hardly  keep  out 
of  print,  having  so  many  practical  views  to  present  for  the  public  consideration, 
and  naturally  we  find  him  exploiting  many  of  these  in  the  newspapers  of  the  day, 
especially  in  the  Daily  Advertiser.  He  survived  until  1844,  passing  from  his  many 
activities  at  the  ripe  age  of  eighty-six,  in  the  city  of  his  birth,  where  nearly  the 
whole  of  his  life  was  spent,  and  which  still  retains  so  many  evidences  of  his  benefi- 
cent career. 

Of  the  political  writers,  their  name  is  legion,  who  have  first  or  last  been 
connected  with  Tammany  Hall.  They  are  too  numerous  to  be  even  named  here, 
but,  as  a  sample,  we  would  refer  the  reader  to  the  official  documents  of  William  L. 
Marcy,  Governor  of  New  York  in  1833-39,  Secretary  of  War  under  President 
Polk,  and  Secretary  of  State  under  President  Pierce.  His  papers  on  the  Koszta 
affair  with  Austria  would  alone  immortalize  his  name  in  America.  His  peers,  or 
approximate  peers,  if  fairly  represented  by  their  own  writings,  would  fill  many 
volumes  larger  than  this. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

TAMMANY   VERSUS   AARON  BURR. 

|AMMANY  HALL  has  never  had  any  toleration  for  traitors,  either 
national  or  those  working  professedly  in  their  own  ranks. 
For  mere  seceders  and  factionists  breaking  away  from  the 
organization,  on  the  contrary,  there  is  always  a  way  open  to 
return,  if  the  fight  has  been  an  open  one  and  fairly  conducted. 
But  when  Tammany  drops  a  man  for  disloyalty  to  the  party 
that  is  an  end  of  him.  So  it  proved  with  that  distinguished  soldier  and  early 
patriot,  Aaron  Burr,  whose  later  actions  so  clouded  his  better  fame  that  his 
patriotic  deeds  are  all  forgotten.  Yet,  until  he  was  nearing  fifty  years  of  age,  he 
was  one  of  the  foremost  men  of  his  day,  as  plainly  appears  from  his  having  been 
placed  on  the  Presidential  ticket  with  Jefferson. 

Not  only  was  he  an  astute  politician,  but,  up  to  a  certain  point  in  his  career, 
he  even  ranked  as  a  statesman;  he  was  also  a  brilliant  society  man,  and  had  in 
his  horizon  as  bright  possibilities  as  any  man  in  the  country,  had  he  not  spoiled 
all  by  that  "vaulting  ambition  which  o'erleaps  itself,"  and  the  lack  of  patience  to 
await  his  time.  Having  passed  through  the  Revolutionary  War  with  the  reputa- 
tion of  an  able  and  even  brilliant  officer,  in  1788  he  commenced  the  practice  of  law 
in  New  York  City,  and  having  received  the  appointment  of  Attorney  General  for 
the  State,  was  subsequently  chosen  to  serve  in  the  State  Senate,  and  was  later 
elected  to  the  Assembly.  On  the  Democratic  ticket  for  President  in  1801  were 
the  names  of  Thomas  Jefferson  and  Aaron  Burr — it  being  well  understood  that 
the  higher  office  was  meant  for  Jefferson,  and  the  Vice-Presidency  for  Burr. 

The  mode  of  election  to  these  offices  at  that  time  differed  from  the  present 
mode.  The  custom  then  was  to  select  the  person  having  the  largest  number  of 
votes  to  fill  the  office  of  President,  and  the  next  highest  number  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency,  no  matter  how  many  candidates  there  might  be.  In  this  case  Jeffer- 
son and  Burr  received  exactly  the  same  number  of  electoral  votes,  namely,  73 
each  (which  shows  conclusively  the  high  estimation  in  which  Burr  was  held). 
This  threw  the  election  into  the  House,  and  immediately  Burr  and  his  friends 
began  to  intrigue  for  the  highest  place:  this  displeased  all  fair-minded  people  of 
all  parties,  who  knew,  as  did  Burr  himself,  that  the  voters  had  not  so  intended. 
The  pressure  of  public  opinion,  however,  forced  Burr  to  withdraw  his  preten- 
ions.  but  he  did  not  do  so  until  his  contest  became  hopeless;  Jefferson  was  chosen, 
and  Tammany  had  no  farther  use  for  Aaron  Burr. 

It  was  in  this  campaign  that  Tammany  first  assumed  a  distinctly  partisan 
political  attitude  which  it  lias  maintained  somewhat  vigorously  ever  since. 


38 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

THE  PRISON-SHIP  MARTYRS. 

UTSIDE  of  politics,  Tammany,  as  a  society,  never  let  anything 
of  public  interest  pass  without  giving  to  it  all  the  attention 
and  aid,  when  necessary,  which  the  subject  deserved.  In  the 
Long  Island  Historical  Society,  located  in  Brooklyn,  on  the 
corner  of  Clinton  and  Pierrepont  streets,  may  be  seen  a  con- 
crete proof  of  the  patriotic  feelings  and  actions  of  the  Tam- 
many Society  of  New  York.  This  interesting  object  consists  of  an  in- 
scribed stone,  four  feet  three  inches  in  height  by  three  feet  wide,  and  is 
part  of  the  structure  which  contained  for  many  years  the  bones  of  those  men  of 
the  Revolution  who  were  confined  as  prisoners  of  war  in  British  ships  lying  off 
that  part  of  Brooklyn  known  as  Wallabout  Bay.  They  are  generally  spoken  of 
as  the  "Prison-ship  Martyrs."  These  men  were  offered  their  liberty  if  they 
would  promise  not  to  again  take  up  arms  in  the  American  cause;  to  a  man  they 
refused  to  give  the  promise,  and  in  consequence  perished  in  these  prison-ships  by 
thousands.     The  inscription  on  the  stone  above  referred  to  is  as  follows: 

"In  the  name  of  the  spirits  of  the  Departed  Free.  Sacred  to  the  memory  of  that 
portion  of  American  Seamen,  Soldiers  and  Citizens  who  perished  in  the  cause  of  the 
Liberty  of  their  country,  on  board  the  prison  ships  of  the  British  (during  the  Revolu- 
tionary war)  at  the  Wallabout.  This  is  the  corner-stone  of  the  vault  which  contains  their 
relics. 

"Erected  by  the  Tammany  Society,  or  Columbian  Order,  of  New  York,  the  ground  for 
which  was  bestowed  by  John  Jackson,  Nassau  Island,*  season  of  Blossoms,  year  of  dis- 
covery 316th,  of  the  Institution  the  19th,  and  of  American  Independence  the  32d.  April  the 
6th,  1S08. 

Jacob  Vandervort,  John  Jackson, 

Burdett  Stryker,  Issachar  Cozzens. 

Robert  Townsend,  Benjamin  Watson, 

Samuel  Cowdrew, 

Wallabout  Committee. 
William  and  David  Campbell,  builders." 

The  following  brief  statement  in  explanation  of  the  action  of  the  Tammany 
Society  in  this  matter  will,  we  think,  convince  any  reader  that  the  erection  of 
this  monument,  which  should  have  been  a  national  charge,  was  a  most  praise- 
worthy work  for  a  local  society  to  undertake.  There  were  many  old  British  ships 
used  as  prisons  during  the  Revolutionary  War,  while  the  City  of  New  York  was 
in  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  but  the  vessel  named  the  "Jersey"  seems  to  have  borne 
the  palm  of  infamy,  among  all  these  amphibious  cages  full  to  overcrowding  of 
patriot  Americans. 

After  the  battle  of  Long  Island  in  August,  1776,  and  the  capture  of  Fort 
Washington  in  November  of  the  same  year,  the  British  prisons  in  New  York  City 
were  overflowing  with  prisoners  of  war,  and  a  number  of  dismantled  ships,  mostly 
transports,  many  having  been  used  for  cattle,  were  anchored  in  the  Wallabout. 
and  soon  filled  with  thousands  of  prisoners',  seamen,  soldiers,  and  private  citizens. 
of  the  latter  alone  there  were  over  five  thousand.    The  fateful  "Jersey"  is  described 


Original  name  given  by  the  Dutch  settlers  to  Long  Island. 


39 
by  a  local  writer  as  follows:    "She  was  original*)  a  64  gun  ship,  she  was  dia 
mantled  in  1776  and  placed  in  Wallabout  Bay,  and  used  as  a  prison  ship  until  the 
end  oi  the  war,  when  she  was  abandoned  and  left  to  decay.    ( )ften  as  many  as  a 
thousand  prisoners  were  simultaneously  confined  on  the  'Jersey.'    Her  crew  was 

composed  of  drafted  British  and  Hessian  soldiers,  who  were  very  eruel  to  their 
prisoners.  Many  of  those  confined  here  were  within  a  stone's  throw  of  then 
friends  and  relatives,  and  these  poor  starving  prisoners  gazed  from  their  prison 
port-holes  on  the  neighboring  shores,  where  welcome  and  plenty  awaited  them 
If  they  could  hut  escape,  or  would  they  hut  promise  obedience  to  the  crown,  and 
they  were  free.  Promises  of  pardon  and  of  gold  were  made  to  them,  if  they  would 
submit  to  'Good  King  George,'  hut  they  sadly  shook  their  heads.  'Then  rot,' 
said  the  British  officer.     And  rot  and  die  they  did." 

Their  bodies  were  taken  ashore,  and  only  half  buried  on  the  swampy  land 
bordering  on  the  bay,  where  their  hones  long  lay  utterly  neglected,  and  where 
they  might  have  continued  to  lie  for  an  indefinite  period,  perhaps  forever,  if  the 
Tammany  Society  of  New  York  had  not  taken  the  initiative  and  determined  to 
take  practical  action  in  regard  to  this  matter.  There  had  been  much  ineffectual 
talk  in  Brooklyn  about  the  shame  of  leaving  these  bodies,  the  bones  of  which 
might  sometimes  be  seen  protruding  from  the  uncared-for  earth.  In  1792  the 
citizens  of  the  then  small  town  of  Brooklyn  met,  and  resolved  that  the  bones 
should  be  collected  and  buried  in  the  graveyard  of  the  Dutch  Reformed  Church, 
but  the  owner  of  the  land  on  which  most  of  them  lay  had  already  gathered  a  great 
many  in  one  spot  in  order  to  make  way  for  some  improvements,  objections  of 
various  kinds  were  raised,  the  matter  was  not  energetically  pushed,  and  the  sub- 
ject was  dropped. 

But  the  Tammany  Society,  though  located  in  New  York,  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  dividing  water,  (mis-called)  the  East  River,  determined  that  these 
patriots'  hones  should  be  cared  for.  On  the  10th  of  February,  1803,  thev 
appointed  Dr.  Samuel  Mitchell  to  present  an  eloquent  Memorial  to  Congress, 
inviting  the  co-operation  of  patriots  in  every  part  of  the  United  States:  con- 
sidering, as  was  really  the  fact,  that  this  was  an  object  of  national  interest, 
Congress  did  nothing. 

The  Society  made  some  further  efforts  to  enlist  the  community  at  large,  and 
met  with  individual  cases  of  hearty  response  ;  but  nothing  practical  resulted  from 
this  either.  Then  Tammany  resolved  to  take  upon  itself  the  whole  of  the  work. 
Mr.  John  Jackson,  being  now  satisfied  that  the  matter  was  in  the  right  hands. 
voluntarily  presented  the  Society  with  a  lot  of  land  sufficiently  large  to  contain  all 
the  remains  which  could  be  recovered.  This  land  was  on  Jackson  street,  adjoin- 
ing the  Navy  Yard.  Work  was  commenced  at  once,  and  on  the  13th  day  of  April, 
1808,  the  ceremony  of  laying  the  corner-stone  took  place. 

A  procession  was  formed  at  the  old  Wigwam,  in  Nassau  street.  New  York, 
and  having  marched  through  several  streets  in  that  city,  the  Tammany  Societx 
with  numerous  friendly  adherents,  reached  the  Brooklyn  shore  near  the  present 
location  of  the  Fulton  Ferry.  The  passage  across  was  made  in  thirteen  large 
open  boats,  representing  the  thirteen  tribes  of  Tammany,  as  well  as  the  original 
thirteen  States.  Each  tribe  brought  with  them  an  enormous  coffin  draped  in 
black.  They  landed  at  Main  street,  accompanied  by  a  military  hand,  which  played 
funereal  music.     A  striking  feature  of  the  procession,  which  was  led  hv  Major 


40 

Ayerigg,  was  a  large  truck-carriage,  which  bore  a  grand  pedestal  and  monument, 
representing  black  marble,  enclosed  by  a  fence.  This  monument  had  four  panels, 
on  each  of  which  was  a  motto,  in  large  letters,  as  follows :  "Americans,  remem- 
ber the  British."  "Youth  of  my  Country!  Martyrdom  prefer  to  Slavery."  "Sires 
of  Columbia,  transmit  to  posterity  the  cruelties  practiced  on  board  the  British 
Prison  Ships."  "Tyrants  dread  the  gathering  storm,  while  Freemen,  Freeman's 
obsequies  Perform."  On  top  of  this  monument  was  a  staff  eighteen  feet  high, 
bearing  an  American  flag,  at  the  apex  of  which  was  a  globe  on  which  was  an 
eagle  enveloped  in  black  crepe.  Preceding  this  was  a  young  man,  dressed  in 
appropriate  costume,  representing  the  "Genius  of  America."  This  character  was 
simulated  by  Mr.  Josiah  Falconer,  a  member  of  Tammany  and  the  son  of  a  revo- 
lutionary patriot.  Other  young  men  represented,  in  character,  the  Seven  Virtues. 
Leading  the  whole  procession  came,  first,  the  Grand  Sachem,  the  Father  of  the 
Council  and  other  officers  of  the  Society  following,  accompanied  by  a  herald  and 
trumpeter.  The  procession  marched  through  Main,  Sands,  Bridge,  and  York 
streets,  halting  at  the  vault  prepared  as  the  receptacle  of  the  honored  relics,  while 
artillery  boomed  from  the  neighboring  height  of  Fort  Green,  where,  later,  Joseph 
D.  Fay  pronounced  a  brilliant  oration,  after  the  corner-stone  had  been  laid  with 
the  usual  ceremonies. 

This  was  a  great  day,  both  for  New  York  and  for  Brooklyn  ;  the  streets  were 
filled  with  people,  and  the  river  was  alive  with  boats,  brilliant  with  American 
flags,  as  were  also  many  of  the  houses  on  the  line  of  the  procession.  Benjamin 
Romaine  was  at  this  time  Grand  Sachem.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  ceremonies, 
the  Tammany  party  returned  to  New  York. 

The  relics  of  the  dead  were  actually  placed  in  the  vault  under  the  structure 
built  for  their  reception,  on  the  26th  day  of  the  following  May.  Eleven  thousand 
men  had  died  on  the  prison  ship  "Jersey"  alone ;  how  many  on  the  other  ships 
is  not  accurately  known,  but  the  number  was  proportionately  as  large — except  in 
one  case,  where  the  officers  were  endued  with  some  measure  of  humanity. 

Some  time  after  the  performance  of  this  national  duty  by  the  Society  of 
Tammany,  the  land  on  which  the  vault  was  erected  changed  hands,  the  grade  of 
Jackson  street  was  altered,  and  the  lot  on  which  the  relics  of  the  martyrs  rested 
were  sold  for  taxes.  Again,  it  was  a  Tammany  man  who  came  to  the  rescue. 
Benjamin  Romaine,  the  late  Grand  Sachem,  bought  it  in.  He  had  personally 
known  what  it  was  to  be  a  British  prisoner,  having  been  for  many  months  in  une 
of  the  sugar-house  prisons  in  the  City  of  New  York.  Mr.  Romaine  subsequently 
built  an  ante-chamber  over  the  vault  and  otherwise  improved  and  decorated  the 
building  with  inscriptions  and  other  adornments.  To  better  ensure  its  future 
preservation,  he  adopted  it  for  his  personal  burying-place,  and  in  1829  had  his 
own  coffin  placed  therein,  properly  inscribed,  lacking  only  the  date  of  his  decease. 
This  premature  coffin  was  placed  alongside  of  the  monster  thirteen  receptacles 
containing  the  martyrs'  bones.  Mr.  Romaine  was  more  than  once  asked  to  sur- 
render this  plot  to  the  city,  but  he  persistently  refused.  He  said:  "These  relics 
are  my  property"  (he  had  spent  nearly  a  thousand  dollars  in  improving  and  caring 
for  the  place  above  the  original  price  of  the  lot).  He  also  said:  "When  I  am 
placed  with  them  I  shall  bequeath  them  to  my  country,  and  commend  them  to  the 
care  of  the  Government." 


This  noble  man  died  in  1K44,  at  the  ripe  age  of  eighty-two.  The  martyrs' 
bones,  which  he  had  so  tenderly  cared  for,  have  since  been  placed  within  an 
elevated  terrace,  on  the  westerly  side  of  "  Fori  Green  "  (officially  named  Wash- 
ington Park). 

Congress  has  annually,  but  vainly,  for  the  last  twenty  years,  been  besought 
to  make  an  appropriation  to  mark  this  spot  by  a  suitable  monument. 

There  is  now  (1901)  in  the  Borough  of  Brooklyn  a  Society  of  Ladies,  whose 
object  is  to  erect  the  long  delayed  monument  l>\  securing  a  state  appropriation 
for  that  object  and  by  general  subscription,  with  good  prospect  of  success 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

BUILDING  A  NEW  WIGWAM. 

N  eventful  year  was  1811  in  the  annals  of  the  Tammany  Society; 
for  in  that  year  was  laid  the  corner-stone  of  the  first  permanent 
Wigwam,  which  was  erected  on  the  corner  of  Nassau  and 
Frankfort  streets — included  in  what  is  now  called  "Printing 
House  Square."  On  account  of  the  troublous  condition  of 
the  times  just  preceding  the  war  of  1812,  the  ceremony  was 
less  elaborate  than  it  would  otherwise  have  been,  and  the  small  four-paged  papers 
of  the  day  had  less  space  to  devote  to  local  events  that  is  now  imperative ;  but  we 
have  a  copy  of  the  inscription  on  the  stone,  and  a  full  list  of  the  active  officers  of 
the  Society  on  that  auspicious  occasion. 

Inscription  on  the  Corner-Stone  laid  May  12,  1811. 

"This  stone  is  laid  by  the  Tammany  Society,  or  Columbian  Order  No.  1,  on  the  12th  day 
of  May,  1811,  and  the  21st  year  of  its  institution,  and  the  35th  of  American  Independence, 
being  the  first  stone  of  a  building  erected  for  preserving  and  strengthening  that  patriotic 
chain  which  unites  its  members  and  for  accommodating  their  Republican*  brethren. 

Officers  of  the  Society  in  1811. 

Clarkson  Crolius,  Grand  Sachem. 
William  J.  Waldron,  Treasurer. 
Henry  Howard,  Secretary. 

Council  of  Sachems. 

Garrett  Sickles,  Father  of  the  Council. 

William  Mooney,  Stephen  Allen, 

John  P.  Haff,  William  Peterson, 

Lawrence  Meyers,  Peter  Embury, 

Oliver  Drake,  Adrian  Hageman. 

Abraham  Stagg,  George  Buckmaster, 

Benjamin  Romaine,  Jonas  Humbert. 

Issachar   Cozzens,  Wiskinskie. 
William  Mayell,  Scribe. 
Richad  Kipp,  Sagamore. 
Building  Committee— Henry  Rutgers,  Augustus  Wright,  William  J.  Waldron,  Matthew 
L.  Davis,  John  S.  Hunn,  James  Warner,  John  Hopper,  John  Haff,  William  Jones,  Stephen 
Allen,  Jacob  Barker,  Clarkson  Crolius,  John  T.  Irving. 

Masons— William  Simons,  John  O'Blenis. 
Carpenter— George  B.  Thorp. 

The  work  of  erection  went  bravely  on,  and  the  building  was  completed  in 
time  for  the  officers  of  the  Society  to  receive  and  entertain,  in  their  grand  new 
hall,  the  most  famous  naval  and  military  heroes  of  the  war  of  1812-15 

In  later  days  it  was  the  custom  of  the  Society  to  celebrate  the  anniversary  of 
the  battle  of  New  Orleans  by  a  ball,  and  on  these  occasions  the  most  distinguished 
citizens  often  took  part.  Among  the  favorites  of  the  ballroom  at  these  and  other 
entertainments  was  the  accomplished  and  ever  graceful  "Prince  John  Van  Buren," 


It  will   be  remembered   "Republican"   then  meant  Democratic. 


son  "i  President  Martin  Van  Buren,  who  obtained  his  distinguished  sobriquet 
ironi  the  fact  of  his  having  oh  one  occasion  danced  with  Queen  Victoria  soon 

after  her  Majesty  had  become  Queen. 

But  dancing  and  banquets  were  far  from  being  the  chiei  occupation  of  the 
members  of  Tammany  during  the  early  years  of  then-  occupation  of  the  new 
Wigwam.  When  the  news  was  received  iii  New  York  City — January  20,  1812 — 
that  war  had  been  declared  against  Great  Britain,  the  first  call  for  a  public  meet- 
ing in  support  of  the  Administration  was  issued  by  the  Tammany  Society, 
inviting  the  citizens  to  meet  in  the  City  1  [all  I'ark  on  the  afternoon  of  Wednesday, 
the  _*4th.  This  meeting  was  presided  over  by  Col.  I  lenry  Rutgers  as  chairman,  the 
secretary  being  ex-Mayor  Marinus  WillettS,  both  well-known  Tammany  men. 
Henry  Rutgers  having  been  one  of  those  who  contributed  liberally  toward  the 
erection  of  the  Wigwam.  I  le  was  the  founder  of  the  great  Rutgers  estate  in  New 
York,  and  the  beneficent  patron  of  colleges,  charitable  institutions,  etc.  The  city 
at  this  time  contained  many  Federalists,  some  of  whom  bitterly  opposed  the  war, 
while  others  of  them  gave  to  the  Administration  but  a  cold  and  qualified  support. 
The  whole-souled  war  men  were  the  Democrats,  of  whom  Governor  Daniel 
Tompkins  was,  by  nature  of  his  office,  the  most  prominent.  His  home  at  this 
time  was  on  the  Bowery,  near  Houston  street. 

Previous  to  the  outbreak  of  hostilities  the  Tammany  Society,  when  cele- 
brating the  Fourth  of  July  by  a  procession,  preceding  the  ceremonies  at  the 
Wigwam,  had  continued  the  use  of  the  bucktail  insignia  and  other  Indian  decora- 
tions, but  on  account  of  the  alliance  of  certain  tribes  of  Indians  with  the  British 
invaders,  and  their  savage  mode  of  warfare,  the  question  arose  in  the  Society 
whether  it  would  not  be  better  to  abandon  this  usage  and  to  parade  in  citizens' 
dress.  Opinion  was  not  unanimous  on  the  point,  but  the  majority  decided  in  favor 
of  the  latter  course,  and  the  annual  procession  was  made  without  the  usual 
aboriginal  display,  preceded  only  by  the  handsome  large  blue  standard  of 
the  Columbian  Order,  emblazoned  with  a  golden  eagle  on  one  side,  and 
the  cap  of  Liberty,  surrounded  with  stars,  on  the  reverse.  This  year,  also, 
various  new  customs  seem  to  have  crept  in.  A  ipecial  meeting  was  called  to  elect 
officers,  the  object  apparently  being  to  secure  those  known  to  be  in  favor  of 
sundry  reforms,  including  the  permanent  abandonment  of  the  Indian  insignia. 
Some  fantastic  titles  seem  also  to  have  been  temporarily  bestowed  on  individual 
members,  for  what  reason  does  not  clearly  appear.  Thus  we  find  that  New  York 
men  are  designated  as  Sachems  of  other  States;  as,  for  instance,  Clarkson  Crolius, 
appears  in  the  journalistic  reports  of  the  day  as  Sachem  of  North  Carolina,  or  as 
representing  the  Buffalo  tribe;  Garrett  Sickles  as  Sachem  of  the  Delaware  tribe; 
Stephen  Allen  as  of  the  Now  Jersey,  or  Tortoise  tribe,  the  purpose,  apparently 
being  to  have  all  the  original  thirteen  States  represented,  whether  members  from 
those  tribes  were  personally  present  or  not.  At  this  time  Mr.  Mooney  was  again 
Grand  Sachem,  and  Peter  Embury  was  Father  of  the  Council. 

While  the  war  continued  the  Tammany  Society  loyally  maintained  its  origi- 
nal position  of  friend  and  helper  to  the  Government,  taking  every  opportunity 
to  honor  the  gallant  men  on  land  and  sea  who  were  personally  meeting  the  enemy 
on  the  field,  on  the  deck,  or  in  the  shrouds  of  torn  and  shattered  vessels.  A 
number  of  its  members  served  in  military  capacities,  among  whom  may  be  men- 
tioned Clarkson  Crolius.  who  became  Major  of  the  Twenty-seventh  Regiment. 


44 

United  States  Infantry.  A  recent  writer*  has  gone  so  fully  into  descriptions  of 
military  and  civic  banquets  and  honorary  receptions  at  this  period  that  we  refer 
our  readers  for  such  details  to  his  pages,  and  will  give  here  only  one  instance  of 
many  such  which  occurred,  in  which  the  Tammany  Society  either  led  or  took  a 
prominent  part.  At  the  public  funeral  of  Captain  James  Lawrence  and  his  brave 
officer,  Ludlow,  which  took  place  in  September,  1813,  the  Tammany  Society 
issued  the  following  call  to  its  members: 

September  15,  1813. 
Brothers: 

You  are  once  more  called  upon  to  exhibit  public  testimonials  of  respect  to  the  heroic 
dead.  Local  or  party  distinctions**  find  no  place  in  the  bosom  of  a  single  son  of  the  heroic 
Tammany  on  this  occasion. 

The  Society  are  especially  requested  to  attend  at  Tammany  Hall  to-morrow  morning 
precisely  at  nine  o'clock,  with  their  usual  badge  of  mourning  for  departed  heroes  slain  in 
battle,  viz.,  a  red  ribbon  edged  with  black,  worn  on  the  left  arm.  The  design  is  to  join  the 
other  societies  in  solemnizing  the  tribute  of  funereal  respect  to  these  heroes.  Captain  James 
Lawrence  and  Lieutenant  Augustus  C.  Ludlow,  who  fell  gloriously  in  defending  their 
country's  right  and  the  National  honor. 

The  bodies  will  arrive  at  the  Battery  precisely  at  ten  o'clock,  under  the  direction  of  the 
honorable  corporation  of  the  city. 

By  order  of  the  President. 

James  W.  Lent, 
Benjamin   Romaine. 
Abraham  Stago, 
Committee  of  Arrangements. 

But  it  was  not  alone  in  funeral  ceremonies  that  Tammany  paid  its  respects  to 
the  heroes  of  the  country.  At  banquets  and  balls  its  members  were  always  ready. 
One  of  the  finest  entertainments  given  during  this  period  to  civic,  military  or 
naval  men  was  the  public  dinner  given  by  the  Tammany  Society  to  Commodore 
Perry,  on  the  nth  of  January,  1814,  at  their  own  hall,  which  the  Commodore 
came  from  Newport  specially  to  attend. 

In  1814,  at  the  grand  annual  festival  of  the  Society,  the  Vice-President  of 
the  United  States,  Hon.  Elbridge  Gerry,  was  present  at  the  Wigwam.  Mr.  Rod- 
man was  the  orator  of  the  dav. 


R.  S.  Gurnsey,  in  his  interesting  work,  "New  York  City  and  Vicinity  in  1812—15." 
'    Captain  Lawrence  who  was  a  member  of  the  "Order  of  the  Cincinnati." 


CHAPTER    XV. 

GENERAL  JACKSON  AT  A  TAMMANY  BANQUET. 

CCASIONALL"V  at  some  of  these  banquets  unreconciled  parti- 
sans would  meet,  and  curious  contretemps  were  liable  to  occur 
if  the  managers  of  the  entertainment  were  not  sufficiently  wary. 
An  amusing  instance  of  this  kind  happened  on  one  occasion 
in  which  General  Andrew  Jackson  was  the  principal  figure. 
This  took  place  after  the  close  of  the  war,  and  when  General 
Jackson's  fame  rested  only  on  his  military  achievements,  particularly  his 
grand  success  in  the  battle  of  New  Orleans,  and  before  his  statesman-like 
qualities  had  been  afforded  any  opportunity  for  their  display.  Just  at  this 
time  in  New  York  there  was,  politically  speaking,  war  between  the  supporters  of 
De  Witt  Clinton  and  the  regular  Tammany  organization,  and,  as  a  national  elec- 
tion was  approaching,  the  feeling  of  antagonism  between  the  parties  became 
intensified.  On  the  anniversary  of  Washington's  birthday,  February  22d,  1819, 
the  Tammany  men,  or  "bucktails,"  as  they  were  still  generally  called,  were  indulg- 
ing in  their  annual  banquet  when  General  Andrew  Jackson  happened  to  visit  New 
York.  He  was  naturally  hailed  as  the  successful  commander  who  had  closed  the 
war  with  Great  Britain  by  the  most  brilliant  victory  of  the  whole  contest. 

His  name  had  not  yet,  however,  become  a  party  war  cry,  though  he  was 
known  to  be  a  whole-souled  Democrat,  and  some  of  the  more  astute  politicians 
were  already  contemplating  the  possibility  of  presenting  him  in  the  near  future  as 
a  candidate  for  the  highest  office  in  the  land.  Thus  it  became  a  matter  of  interest 
to  secure  his  friendship  and  the  prestige  of  his  name,  keeping  him  away  if 
possible,  from  all  contamination  by  the  Clintonite  faction. 

On  the  day  of  his  arrival  in  New  York  he  had  been  greeted  with  an  official 
reception  by  the  civic  authorities,  and  had  been  formally  presented  with  the  free- 
dom of  the  city.  Later  he  was  invited  and  had  accepted  an  invitation  to  dine  at 
Tammany  Hall,  and  was  received  by  the  assembled  company  with  immense 
enthusiasm.  The  entertainment  had  been  prepared  with  all  the  elegance,  regard- 
less of  expense,  of  which  the  caterers  of  those  days  were  capable;  in  the  language 
of  the  local  press,  "it  was  superb."  As  the  evening  advanced,  and  toasts  were 
in  order,  the  following  rather  high-flown  compliment,  in  the  shape  of  a  toast,  was 
proposed  in  honor  of  the  distinguished  guest:  "To  General  Jackson — 'So  long  as 
the  Mississippi  rolls  its  waters  to  the  Ocean,  so  long  may  his  great  name  and 
glorious  deeds  be  remembered.'  " 

But  what  was  the  chagrin  and  consternation  of  the  company  when  the 
General,  in  his  most  expressive  manner  and  with  his  clear  resonant  voice, 
responded  to  the  toast  by  proposing  the  health  of  De  Witt  Clinton,  "Governor 
of  this  great  and  patriotic  State  of  New  York!"  Jackson,  it  was  clear,  had  not 
been  studying  the  local  politics  of  New  York  City.  The  confusion  which 
followed  this  malapropos  suggestion  was  so  great,  the  surprise  and  excitement 
so  intense,  that  Jackson,  totally  unprepared  for  such  a  result,  incontinentally 


46 

withdrew  from  the  banquet  and  precipitately  left  the  hall.  Fitz-Greene  Halleck. 
the  popular  poet,  and  who  has  through  his  charming-  verses  descended  to  our 
day,  could  not  resist  the  temptation,  in  his  semi-comic  satirical  way,  to  describe 
the  contretemps  in  a  sparkling  little  poem  entitled.  "The  Secret  Mine  Sprung  at 
a  Late  Supper."     ( )ne  verse  ran  thus: 


'The  songs  were  good,  for  Mead  and  Hawkins  sung  them. 

The  wine  went  round,  'twas  laughter  all  and  joke — 
When  crack!  the  General  sprang  a  mine  among  them, 

And  beat  a  safe  retreat  amid  the  smoke. 
As  fall  the  sticks  of  rockets  when  we  fire  them, 

So  fell  the  Bucktails  at  that  toast  accurst. 
Looking  like  Korah,  Dathan  and  Abirim, 

When   the  firm   earth   beneath   their  footsteps   burst." 


)7 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

TRINITY  CHURCH  RIOT. 
De  Witt  Clinton  Offends  Tammany. 

between  Tammany  and  De  Witt  Clinton  had 
■n  altogether  different.  Jackson  had  probably 
im  as  an  honored  member  of  the  Society,  which 

he  was  for  many  years;  he  had  even  been  Scribe  to  the 
Council,  and  in  1795  Tammany  had  publicly  supported 
him  for  the  Assembly,  but  about  1810  the  ultra-Democrats 
began  to  Feel  that  he  was  exhibiting  certain  aristocratic  tendencies,  very 
much  disapproved  of  by  the  Democratic  spirit  inherent  in  the  Order.  In 
1S11  wlun  De  Witt  Clinton  was  Mayor  of  New  York,  the  disaf- 
fection toward  him  reached  its  climax,  which  was  greatly  intensified 
by  a  peculiar  incident  which  was  not  indeed  a  strictly  political  affair, 
but  which  very  clearly  brought  out  the  political  sympathies  and  affinities 
of  all  the  parties  concerned — including  De  Witt  Clinton.  This  was  a  College 
Commencement,  and  it  has  passed  into  local  history  as  "The  Trinity  Church 
Riot."  It  appears  that  in  1796  the  Faculty  of  Columbia  College  had  passed  a 
resolution  obliging  students  to  submit  all  manuscripts  intended  for  public  reading 
to  the  examination  of  a  designated  member  of  the  Faculty,  but  without  attaching 
any  penalty  for  the  infraction  of  this  new  rule.  On  the  occasion  in  question  a 
young  man  named  J.  B.  Stevenson,  subsequently  well  known  as  a  successful 
medical  practitioner,  was  one  of  the  graduating  class,  and  was  appointed  one  of 
the  disputants  in  a  political  debate  forming  part  of  the  public  exercises,  which 
were  to  be  held  in  Trinity  Church.  Now  it  happened  that  the  conservative 
Reverend  Dr.  Wilson  was  of  the  committee  on  preliminary  examination  of 
manuscripts,  and  had  objected  to  the  phrase  in  young  Stevenson's  paper  thus 
expressed:  "Representatives  ought  to  act  according  to  the  sentiments  of  their 
constituents."  The  Professor  required  Mr.  Stevenson  to  alter  or  modify  this 
sentence.  The  student  strenuously  objected,  on  the  ground  that  in  Commence- 
ment exercises  only  correct  principles  should  be  delivered.  No  promises  were 
made,  but  on  Commencement  Day  Stevenson  read  his  manuscript  as  originally 
written. 

When  his  name  was  called  to  come  forward  for  his  diploma,  and  he  had 
advanced  to  receive  it,  the  President  refused  to  give  it  to  him,  though  he  had 
been  a  good  student  and  of  exemplary  conduct.  When  this  action  was  perceived 
Stevenson  was  immediately  surrounded  by  his  friends,  and,  prompted  by  them, 
he  audibly  demanded  his  diploma  as  of  right.  One  of  the  Professors,  thinking  to 
smooth  the  matter  over,  or  perhaps  draw  from  the  young  man  an  apologv. 
remarked,  "You  probably  forgot  it."  but  Stevenson  was  no  such  trimmer  as  to 
avail  himself  of  any  such  contemptible  mode  of  retreat,  and  boldly,  but  respect- 
fully, answered:  "No,  I  did  not  forget,  but  I  would  not  utter  what  I  did  not 
believe."  Still  the  President  refused  to  hand  over  the  diploma.  Stevenson, 
naturallv  somewhat  irritated,  suddenlv  turned  to  the  audience,  and  in  a  clear, 


48 

strong  voice,  exclaimed:  "Ladies  and  gentlemen.  1  am  refused  my  degree,  not 
from  any  literary  deficiency,  but  because  I  refused  to  speak  the  sentiments  of 
others  as  my  own."  The  sensation  produced  by  this  simple  statement  was  extra- 
ordinary. One  of  the  alumni  present,  Mr.  Hugh  Maxwell,  went  on  the  improvised 
stage  to  defend  Stevenson's  course,  and  he  condemned  the  attitude  of  the 
Faculty  in  terms  which  to  them  appeared  very  offensive  language.  Then  a  well- 
known  citizen,  Mr.  Verplanck,  ascended  the  platform  and  asked  the  provost,  Dr. 
Mason,  "why  he  refused  a  degree  which  had  been  fairly  earned  by  years  of  faithful 
study?"  Dr.  Mason  replied  that  it  was  "because  Mr.  Stevenson  had  not  complied 
with  the  order  of  Dr.  Wilson  to  alter  his  manuscript."  "The  reason  is  not  satis- 
factory, sir,"  replied  Mr.  Verplanck.  "Mr.  Maxwell  must  be  sustained;  I  move 
that  a  vote  of  thanks  be  tendered  to  Mr.  Maxwell  for  his  defense  of  Mr.  Steven- 
son and  of  the  right  of  free  speech."  The  excitement  at  this  point  became  intense. 
Dr.  Mason  tried  in  vain  to  restore  order,  and  he  afterward  testified  that  he  was 
greeted  with  a  hiss,  "that  in  manner  and  quality  would  not  disgrace  a  congrega- 
tion of  snakes  on  Snake  Hill  in  New  Jersey."  He  had  to  retire  from  the  platform. 
The  police  finally  restored  some  degree  of  order,  but  the  exercises  were 
abruptly  concluded  amid  much  confusion.  A  few  days  later  the  Faculty 
published  what  they  called  a  "Vindication"  of  their  course.  This 
brought  out  a  rejoinder  from  members  of  the  graduating  class  and  others, 
which  so  exasperated  the  already  inflamed  feelings  of  the  Faculty  that 
they  caused  a  complaint  to  be  laid  before  the  Grand  Jury.  This  led  to  the 
indictment  of  seven  of  the  persons  who  had  interrupted  the  College  exercises. 
Of  course,  Stevenson,  Maxwell  and  Verplanck  were  included  in  the  number. 

The  case  was  called  in  the  August  term  of  what  was  then  known  as  the 
Mayor's  Court,  and  over  which  De  Witt  Clinton  ex-officio  presided.  The  charge 
against  the  defendants  was  "riot."  Verplanck  and  Maxwell  defended  themselves; 
the  others  employed  counsel,  including  such  legal  talent  as  David  B.  Ogden, 
Josiah  O.  Hoffman  and  Peter  A.  Jay.  Dr.  Mason,  the  chief  complainant,  was 
perhaps  the  most  popular,  as  he  was  certainly  one  of  the  most  learned  and 
eloquent  preachers  of  the  day ;  and  at  that  period  all  clergymen  were  treated  with 
far  more  conventional  deference  than  is  now  customary,  so  that  Dr. 
Mason's  dignity  was  terribly  hurt  by  the  public  rebuff  which  he  had  received 
from  the  students,  and  the  sharp  rebukes  administered  by  their  friends;  he 
was  consequently  anxious  to  secure  the  conviction  of  the  indicted 
parties.  The  latter  were  ably  defended,  but,  as  the  result  proved,  they 
labored  before  a  deeply  prejudiced  Judge.  Counsellor  Jay  had  argued 
that  under  "Hawkins's  (an  acknowledged  authority)  definition,"  there  had 
been  no  "riot,"  and  that  in  equity,  if  the  Faculty  allowed  political  debates 
by  the  students,  they  should  be  permitted  to  utter  their  own  thoughts,  and 
not  be  compelled  to  utter  the  words  of  others,  like  parrots;  that  the  college 
authorities  had,  in  fact,  no  case,  for  the  rule  to  which  they  referred  as  having 
been  broken  by  Stevenson  had  no  penalty  attached,  and  was  for  that  reason  null 
and  of  no  effect.  In  truth,  as  in  public  estimation,  it  was  not  the  students  but  the 
Faculty  which  was  on  trial,  it  was  they  who  had  caused  the  trouble.  But  all  of 
Jay's  eloquence  was  in  vain.  Clinton's  sympathies  were  all  on  the  side  of  the 
college  authorities.  He  declared  that  Hawkins's  definition  was  bad,  that  Ver- 
planck's  moving  a  vote  of  thanks  to  Maxwell  was  "matchless  insolence,"  and. 


I'< 


strictures  upon  the  defendants,  he  .harm. I  the  jurj  t< 


aiicr  iiiaiM   mi  ire  se 

bring  in  a  verdict  of  "guilty,"  which  they  did.  Verplahck  ahd*Maxweii  were 
fined  two  hundred  dollars  each,  and  required  io  find  sureties  for  their  good 
behavior,  and  it  was  openly  said  that  Clinton  had  really  mediated  imposing  a  sen 
tence  of  imprisonment,  bill  thai  a  friend,  a  keen  observer  of  the  public  tempera 
ment,  had  assured  the  Mayor  thai  "  the  people  wouldn'1  .Maud  it."  The  public  dis 
sent  even  over  the  imposition  of  such  a  hcav\  fine  was  very  freel)  expressed,  espe- 
cially anions;  the  member*  of  Tammany,  and  indeed  all  of  the  Madisonian 
Democrats.  Just  at  this  period  the  county  was  on  the  verge  of  war  with  Eng- 
land. Madison  and  Clinton  were  both  Candidates  for  the  I 'residency.  Clinton, 
though  calling  himself  a  Democrat,  was  accused  of  intriguing  to  procure  the  aid 
of  the  Federalists,  and  the  course  he  took  as  judge  in  this  trial  was  supposed  to 
have  been  dictated  by  his  desire  to  please  that  part)  particularly  some  of  its 
leaders,  then  including  John  Jay,  Ruins  Kins;  and  Governeur  Morris. 

1  )r.  Mason  was  a  bigoted  Federalist  and  an  active  prompter  of  meetings 
between  Clinton  and  the  Federal  leaders;  but  the  main  object  of  these  consulta- 
tions fell  through,  in  a  great  measure,  on  account  of  John  Jay's  disgust  when  he 
heard  Clinton  affirm  "that  he  had  never  sympathized  with  the  Democrats,  but 
had  always  favored  the  policy  of  Adams,"  which  statement  Jay  knew  was  utterly 
false,  for  Clinton  had  at  one  time  denounced  the  Federal  leaders  as  "men  who 
would  rather  lead  in  hell  than  serve  in  heaven" — words  which,  when  uttered,  had 
run  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  country  like  wildfire. 

As  time  went  on  the  breach  between  Tammany  and  De  Witt  Clinton  con- 
tinued to  widen.     A  newspaper  of  the  day,  a  year  later,  published  the  following: 

"A  meeting  was  got  up  in  Martling's  Long  Room,  a  public  house  fronting  the  park, 
called  Tammany  Hall,  which  was  claimed  as  the  Democratic  headquarters  for  the  city  of 
New  York.  Mr.  Teunis  Wortman,  who  wan  the  protege  of  Mr.  Clinton  during  the  struggle 
with  Col.  Burr,  was  one  of  the  most  busy  spirits  in  gathering  and  exciting  the  opposition  on 
this  occasion.  At  this  meeting  Mangle  Minthorn,  the  father-in-law  of  Governor  Tompkins, 
presided,  and  John  Bingham  was  secretary.  They  adopted  a  preamble,  which  set  forth 
that  they  believed  Mr.  Clinton  was  cherishing  interests  distinct  and  separate  from  the 
general  interests  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  determined  to  establish  in  his  own  person 
a  pernicious  family  aristocracy;  that  devotion  to  his  person  had  been  in  a  great  measure 
made  the  exclusive  test  of  merit,  and  the  only  passport  to  promotion;  that  the  meeting 
had  strong  reasons  to  believe  he  opposed  the  election  of  Mr.  Madison  to  the  Presidency  of 
the  United  States,  and  that  they  could  no  longer  consider  him  a  member  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party." 

The  experiences  of  the  war  period,  1812-15,  had  naturally  intensified  the 
feeling  of  the  Democrats  against  those  who  had  criticised  war  measures  or  shown 
themselves  in  any  way  friendly  to  British  interests.  As  a  specimen  of  the  lively 
partisan  appeals  in  vogue  at  that  day,  witness  the  following  appeal  issued  by  the 
Tammany  party  just  preceding  the  spring  elections  of  181 5:  "Democrats,  do 
you  wish  again  to  see  this  city  in  the  hands  of  Tories,  to  be  governed  by  traitors 
and  cowards?  [De  Witt  Clinton  had  just  been  removed  from  the  Mayoralty.] 
To  behold  the  trophies  which  your  valor  and  perseverance  have  won.  in  a  most 
glorious  and  successful  war,  transferred  to  the  base  hirelings  of  England?  If 
you  wish  to  see  this,  remain  at  home,  indulge  in  idle  repose,  and,  by  your  own 
indifference  and  supineness,  let  the  Federal  ticket  prevail. 

"If,  on  the  contrary,  you  really  desire  to  see  Democracy  triumphant  and  the 
■citv  in   the   hands  of  firm   and   decided   friends   of   Liberty   and    Independence 


5° 

awake!  arouse  from  your  lethargy,  and  rally  all  your  forces;  you  have  only  to 
come  forth  on  this  day  and  the  election  is  surely  yours.  To  the  polls,  then,  every 
man  of  you;  devote  the  whole  of  this  last  day  to  the  salvation  of  your  country." 

This  public  impassioned  appeal  strongly  marks  the  difference  in  method 
which  now  prevails  in  getting  out  a  full  vote  to  sustain  Tammany  Hall  nomina- 
tions; but  that  the  Democrats  were  not  losing  any  ground  at  that  time  is  evident 
from  the  records.  Valentine's  Manual  for  1854,  in  a  reminiscent  article,  sa>s: 
"About  1816  the  Federalist  party  seemed  to  be  almost  extinct,"  and  adds.  "In 
1820  the  Bucktails  carried  every  ward  in  the  city." 

One  of  the  standing  complaints  against  the  Federal  party  by  the  Democrats 
had  been  the  acceptance  by  the  former  of  "Jay's  Treaty"  with  Great  Britain. 
When  it  was  publicly  announced  that  he  had  surrendered  the  important  point 
"that  free  ships  covered  free  goods,"  there  was  strong  condemnation  of  the  treaty, 
not  only  by  Tammany  Hall,  but  by  all  the  mercantile  interests  of  the  country. 
Tammany  passed  some  very  strong  resolutions  on  the  subject-  The  only  excuse 
that  Jay  could  offer  was,  and  it  was  probably  correct,  that  "at  that  time  he  could 
get  no  bettter." 

Though  Tammany's  remarkable  tenacity  of  life  is  shown  in  its  plus-century 
of  existence,  it  has  for  the  greater  part  of  that  time  not  only  had  its  external 
enemies,  but  at  intervals  internal  factions  and  domestic  divisions,  usually  ending, 
however,  by  a  return  of  the  malcontents  to  the  council  fires  of  the  old  wigwam. 
During  the  first  three  decades  of  the  present  century  one  of  the  chief  aims  of  the 
Society  was  to  procure  the  repeal  of  the  law  requiring  a  property  qualification  in 
the  voter.  After  1821  the  law  was  modified,  so  as  to  extend  the  right  of  suffrage 
to  all  householders  paying  rent  to  the  value  of  twenty-five  dollars  monthly. 

But  nothing  less  than  manhood  suffrage  could  satisfy  the  democratic  senti- 
ments of  the  members  of  the  Columbian  Order.  They  continued  to  besige  the 
Legislature,  and  in  1834  succeeded  in  procuring  the  removal  of  the  last  vestige 
of  a  money  qualification.  In  this  year  also,  mainly  through  the  efforts  of  Tam- 
many, the  people  of  the  State  ot  New  York  obtained  a  new  constitutional  law, 
giving  to  the  people  the  right  to  elect  some  seven  thousand  State  officers,  which 
were  previously  appointed  by  the  Governor  and  Council,  including  the  Mayor 
and  City  Judges.  The  fact  seems  almost  incredible  now  that  the  Mayor  of  the 
City  of  New  York  was,  for  the  first  time,  elected  by  its  citizens  so  late  as  1834. 
and  it  was  Tammany's  nominee,  Cornelius  W.  Lawrence,  who  was  chosen,  the 
Whig  candidate  being  Mr.  Verplanck.  For  the  next  succeeding  thirty  years 
Tammany  furnished  New  York  with  its  Mayors,  and  for  the  following  twenty 
years,  up  to  1880,  seven  additional,  the  exceptions  being  divided  between  Native 
American  candidates,  Whigs  and  Republicans. 

The  most  vehement  calumniators  must  admit,  for  it  cannot  be  successfully 
denied,  that  in  the  course  of  its  history  Tammany  has  numbered  in  its  ranks  many 
of  the  most  distinguished  men  of  the  country,  and  not  a  few  of  those  who  are  now 
its  severest  critics  do  not  hesitate  to  ascribe  what  they  are  pleased  to  call  its 
"degeneration"  to  that  extension  of  the  suffrage  to  non-property  holders  which 
Tammany  was  so  active  in  procuring.  An  eventful  case  which  occurred  in  1801. 
in  which  Tammany  was  greatly  interested,  will  illustrate  the  great  injustice  which 
might  and  often  did  happen  under  the  old  exclusive  laws.  Among  the  members 
of  Tammany  at  this  time  were  thirty-nine  young  men  of  good  character  and  intel- 


5i 


ligcncc,  but  non-freeholders;  they  were  nearlj  all  students  of  Columbia  College. 
They  all  desired  to  vote  at  a  certaiin  election,  but  the  property  qualification  Stood 
in  their  way.  To  overcome  this  difficulty  they  combined  their  slender  funds  and 
purchased  a  piece  of  real  estate,  with  a  modest  house  upon  it,  so  that  each  could 
truly  aflirm  that  he  was  a  freeholder.  Their  votes  were,  however,  refused  at  the 
polls.  New  York  was  not  then  quite  so  large  as  it  is  now,  and  the  transfer  of 
even  a  small  piece  of  real  estate  was  sure  to  draw  the  attention  of  all  the  idlers 
about  town.  The  case,  however,  was  taken  to  court,  but  the  judges  just  then 
being  Federalists,  naturally  decided  against  the  aspiring  young  men — the  name  of 
one  of  the  latter  happened  to  be  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  afterward  Governor  of  the 
State  of  New  York,  the  "War  Governor"  during  the  war  of  1812-15,  who  was 
thus  disfranchised. 


52 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE  "WAR  GOVERNOR"  OF  1812. 

HE  career  of  Daniel  D.  Tompkins  was  so  intimately  con- 
nected with  the  affairs  of  Tammany  that  a  brief  sketch 
of  his  lifework  cannot  be  out  of  place  here.  His  manly 
and  patriotic  course  is  an  instructive  illustration  of  the 
injustice  of  requiring  of  American-born  citizens  any  defin- 
ite amount  of  property  as  a  qualification  for  the  exercise 
of  the  franchise.  Daniel  D.  Tompkins  was  born  in  Westchester  County, 
New  York,  in  1774.  He  received  a  good  education  and  graduated  with 
the  highest  honors  at  Columbia  College;  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar  at 
the  age  of  twenty-four,  when  he  commenced  the  practice  of  law  in  the 
City  of  New  York.  He  was  elected  to  the  State  Assembly  in  1802  and  to  Con- 
gress two  years  later.  In  1805  he  was  appointed  a  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court 
and  in  1807  was  elected  Governor  of  the  State,  and  was  successively  re-elected  to 
that  office  until  1817,  when  he  was  elected  to  the  Vice-Presidency  before  he  was 
thirty-three  years  of  age.  It  was  while  he  was  Governor  of  New  York  that  the 
War  of  181 2  was  commenced  and  concluded.  New  York  State  was  the  principal 
point  of  attack  of  the  British,  and  was  the  most  vulnerable  on  account  of  its  loca- 
tion. Access  to  its  northern  and  northwestern  portions  was  easy  by  the  lakes 
trom  Canada;  its  southeastern  shores  were  tempting  to  a  British  fleet;  while  its 
eastern  borders  were  threatened  by  the  semi-concealed  enemies  in  the  shape  of 
unpatriotic  Federalists,  the  New  England  States  being  then  on  the  verge  of  seces- 
sion, and  so  friendly  with  the  enemy  that  Decatur,  with  his  three  much-needed 
frigates,  was  kept  blockaded  in  Long  Island  Sound  during  nearly  the  whole  period 
of  hostilities  by  signals  given  to  the  British  fleet  lying  off  New  London  by 
m  mpathizers  on  the  Connecticut  shore,  the  traitorous  "blue  lights"  informing  the 
■enemy  of  every  attempt  which  Decatur  made  to  escape  to  the  open  sea.  All 
ihis  time  the  National  Government  was  much  embarrassed,  not  only  for  men,  but 
money,  and  it  was  to  Governor  Tompkins  that  appeals  came  for  assistance,  just 
a*  at  a  later  day  they  came  to  Governor  Seymour.  Tompkins  made  almost  super- 
human efforts,  not  only  to  raise  a  force  to  repel  attacks,  but  to  provide  funds. 

The  banks  declined  to  lend  money  on  either  the  bonds  or  Treasury  notes  o< 
the  National  Government.  Governor  Tompkins  had,  early  in  the  war,  advanced 
all  his  available  means  for  the  patriot  cause,  but  was  soon  called  to  do  more — to 
risk  his  credit  to  the  extent  of  $500,000.  The  banks  caused  the  Governor  to  be 
informed  that  on  his  security  they  would  advance  that  sum  to  the  Government 
On  first  hearing  this  proposition  he  exclaimed,  "But  I  shall  be  ruined!"  On  a 
little  reflection,  however,  this  unselfish  patriot  decided  to  take  the  risk  of  being 
ruined  rather  than*see  his  country  overrun  by  the  British,  and  perhaps  conquered 
or  divided— a  not  improbable  result,  as  a  large  party  then  in  New  England  were 
almost  ready  to  accept  a  British  protectorate.  Governor  Tompkins  signed  his 
name  for  the  half-million  loan,  and  thus  materially  strengthened  the  President's 
hands  in  the  most  effectual  way,  and  gave  new  courage  to  the  patriotic  party 


53 

throughout  the  country.  A  half  million  dollars  went  a  great  wa)  in  those  days. 
Not  only  did  Governor  Tompkins  give  his  monej  and  lend  Ins  credit  to  tin. 
service  nt  Ins  country,  but  his  time  and  personal  attention  were  not  spared  lit 
traveled  through  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  State  for  the  purpose  of  influenc- 
ing and  encouraging  local  bodies  to  do  their  whole  duty  in  raising  nun  for  tin 
defense  of  the  commonwealth,  repulsing  attacks  or  attacking  the  ciienn  ,  as  i  >ppi » 
Utility  offered.  \or  did  he  content  himself  with  standing  aloof  and  issuing  orders 
He  was  seen  more  than  once  "assisting  with  his  own  hands  in  prying  from  the 
mud,  wagons  loaded  with  war  supplies  delayed  on  the  road." 

President  .Madison  offered  Governor  Tompkins  a  seat  in  the  Cabinet  as 
Secretary  of  State,  hut  this  honorable  position  he  declined.  A  little  later  Madison 
appointed  him  (October,  1814)  to  the  command  of  the  Third  Military  District, 
which  included  \Tew  York,  in  which  position  he  earned  great  praise  for  the 
executive  ability  which  he  displayed,  as  well  as  for  all  the  multiplied  duties  per- 
formed in  that  responsible  office;  but  praise  and  compliments  were  all  the 
recompense  he  ever  received  for  these  and  other  arduous  services  faithfully  fio 
filled  for  the  benefit  of  his  country.  Tompkins  was  a  great  favorite  with  Tam- 
many, and  it  was  with  the  utmost  enthusiam  that  the  Society  indorsed  the  Con- 
gressional caucus  nomination  of  this  patriot  son  of  New  York  for  Vice-President, 
in  association  with  that  of  James  Monroe  for  President.  Both  of  these  nominees 
were  elected,  and  both  re-elected,  almost  unanimously,  in  1821. 

To  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  more  than  to  any  other  one  man,  the  State  of  New 
York  was  indebted  for  limiting  the  injuries  inflicted  by  the  British  in  the  War  of 
1812.  With  a  less  energetic  or  less  patriotic  Governor  the  whole  State,  from  the 
bay  to  Lake  Erie,  would  probably  have  been  overrun  by  the  enemy.  Daniel 
Tompkins  died  on  Staten  Island  in  the  early  summer  of  1825.  Tompkinsville. 
on  Staten  Island,  was  named  in  his  honor,  as  was  also  Tompkins  County  in  the 
State  of  New  York,  one  of  the  forts  at  the  Narrows.  Tompkins  Square  in  New 
York  City  and  Tompkins  Avenue  and  Tompkins  Square  in  Brooklyn.  It  is  but 
justice  to  that  able  and  patriotic  Federal  Senator,  Rufus  King,  of  New  York,  to 
here  recognize  the  fact  that  he  cordially  supported  Governor  Tompkins  in  all  of 
his  war  measures. 

Next  to  Governor  Tompkins  there  was  no  private  citizen  in  the  City  of  New 
York  that  so  efficient!)  aided  the  Governnunt  in  financial  matters  as  did  Mr. 
Jacob  Barker.  He  was  one  of  the  original  members  of  the  Tammany  Society  and 
an  active  member  during  the  whole  of  his  long  residence  here.  His  name  ,s 
inscribed  on  the  cornerstone  of  the  old  wigwam,  erected  in  1811,  as  one  of  the 
building  committee.  A  native  of  the  State  of  Maine,  he  came  in  early  youth  to 
the  City  of  New  York  and  entered  into  the  commission  house  of  Mr.  Isaac  Hicks, 
where  his  diligence  and  capacity  were  so  conspicuous  that  he  soon  obtained  the 
opportunity  to  engage  in  business  on  his  own  account,  and  before  he  was  twenty- 
one  he  was  the  owner  of  five  coasting  vessels,  besides  having  a  large  credit  in  the 
mercantile  community.  But  fortune  turned  against  him,  and  by  various  mis- 
haps he  lost  nearly  all  he  had  made  just  before  the  beginning  of  the  present  cen- 
tury. He  was  not  a  person,  however,  to  remain  long  depressed.  I  te  succeeded  in 
obtaining  a  contract  for  supplying  the  Government  with  oil,  of  which  at  that  time 
tury.  He  was  not  a  person,  however,  to  remain  long  depressed.  He  succeeded  in 
connection  with  the  public  service.      (  hit   of  this  contract  he  made   very  large 


54 


profits.  When  the  War  of  1812  broke  out  the  Government,  as  above  stated,  was 
very  much  embarrassed  for  money,  and  in  February,  1813,  Congress  endeavored 
to  put  a  loan  of  $16,000,000  upon  the  market;  the  banks  had  refused  their  assist- 
ance, and  Mr.  Barker  undertook  the  almost  hopeless  task  of  raising  this  large 
sum.  He  commenced  by  subscribing  $100,000  himself,  and  finally  raised  the 
whole  amount,  by  the  most  unwearied  efforts  among  the  merchants  and  other 
citizens  of  the  metropolis.  Not  content  with  this  grand  service  to  his  country, 
he  subsequently  raised  an  additional  $5,000,000,  of  which  he  personally  took 
$435,000,  and  his  friend,  the  poet,  Fitzgreen  Ffalleck,  who  had  then  some  busi- 
ness connection  with  him,  was  credited  with  $288,000,  a  most  opportune  help  to 
the  impecunious  administration  at  Washington. 

After  the  close  of  the  war  Mr.  Barker  was  elected  to  the  State  Senate,  and,  as 
at  that  period  the  Senate  sat  as  a  judicial  court  in  some  cases,  there  was  an  oppor- 
tunity to  show  the  mental  calibre  of  members  quite  unknown  to  our  modern 
legislators.  A  legal  opinion  rendered  by  Mr.  Barker  on  an  insurance  case,  when 
sitting  in  the  Court  of  Errors,  was  sustained,  though  opposed  by  the  great 
authority  of  Chancellor  Kent.  Jacob  Barker  was  an  expert  writer  of  newspaper 
articles,  and  published  also  many  timely  brochures,  as  well  as  being  ever  ready  for 
a  speech  when  called  upon.  He  founded  a  newspaper  called  the  Union,  mainly 
for  the  purpose  of  assisting  the  election  of  Governor  Clinton.  In  1815  he  estab- 
lished the  Exchange  Bank  in  Wall  street,  and  commenced  stock  speculations. 
This  bank  failed,  but  the  trust  in  his  integrity  was  such  that  other  financial  insti- 
tutions came  to  his  rescue,  and  all  was  soon  again  serene.  He  subsequently 
removed  his  business  to  New  Orleans,  but  died  in  Philadelphia,  at  the  ripe  age  of 
92.  He  was  the  last  surviving  member  of  the  Building  Committee  on  the  erection 
of  the  Nassau  street  Wigwam,  to  which  h>*  was  appointed  in  1800. 


55 


CHAPTER   XVIII. 

TAMMANY  ON  HOME  INDUSTRIES. 

NK  of  the  most  curious  and  interesting  episodes  in  the  history  of 
the  ultra-Democratic  Society  of  Tammany  was  the  action 
taken  by  it  in  the  summer  of  r8ig  and  which  was  the  result  ot 
the  depressed  condition  of  trade  and  commerce  throughout 
the  country,  which  had  not  yet  recovered  from  the  losses  and 
interruptions  incurred  during  the  War  of  1812-15,  which 
included  the  capture  of  many  vessels,  with  their  cargoes,  and  the  still  more 
injurious  effects  of  the  "embargo."  Rut  to  the  facts:  On  August  30th. 
at  a  meeting  of  the  Tammany  Society,  after  considerable  discussion,  was  passed 
the  following  resolution:  "Resolved  to  appoint  Commissioners  to  consider  and 
draft  an  address  on  the  subject  of  National  Economy  and  Domestic  Manufac- 
tures, enforcing  the  necessity  of  encouraging  such  desirable  objects,  and  that 
through  the  public  prints  the  address  be  sent  to  the  several  branches  of  this 
Society  throughout  the  nation." 

<  hi  the  next  ensuing  October  4th  the  address,  which  had  been  drafted  by 
Brother  Woodward  was  presented  to  the  Society,  and  duly  debated  at  the  meet- 
ings. At  the  second  it  was  adopted,  signed  by  the  Grand  Sachem,  Clarkson 
Crolius,  printed  and  put  into  circulation. 

( )n  the  next  ensuing  October  4th,  the  address,  which  had  been  drafted  by 
had  partly  resulted  from  excessive  importations  and  recommended  the  purchase 
of  home  productions  only.  The  curious  statement  was  also  made  that  inferior 
goods  were  manufactured  abroad  expressly  for  this  market,  with  intent  to  dispose 
of  them  in  New  York  by  auction,  thus  underselling  our  native  merchants.  Sec- 
ondly, the  opinion  was  advanced  that  Congress  ought  to  entirely  prohibit  the 
importation  of  all  goods  "which  can  on  any  tolerable  terms  be  made  here."  And, 
"thirdly,  if  the  customs  revenue,  in  consequence,  is  not  sufficient  for  the  purposes 
of  the  Government,  let  the  public  lands  be  appropriated  to  supply  the  deficiency." 
The  concluding  argument  was  that  this  course  would  exclude  from  the  country 
foreign  agents,  "those  cormorants"  who  gather  money  here  only  to  take  it  back, 
out  of  this  country. 

Some  recommendations  were  added  on  the  subject  of  banks  and  in  favor  of 
common  schools,  concluding  with  a  somewhat  grandiloquent  eulogy  of  the  Tam- 
many Society,  which  the  author  of  the  address  declares  "is  founded  upon  the 
dignified  principle  of  public  liberty.  Unlike  the  associations  of  the  hour,  which 
have  gone  down  with  the  causes  which  created  them,  this  Society  has  withstood 
the  revolutions  of  the  passing  years  uncharacterized  by  any  acts  of  extravagance 
or  appearance  of  dissolution.  *  *  *  Its  silent  intervals  have  been  owing  to 
the  solidity  of  its  principles  and  the  sincerity  of  its  motives.  It  is  a  Society  of 
three  thousand  [1819]  men  in  the  City  of  New  York  alone,  principally  heads  of 
families.    It  can  well  rest  occasionally,  quiet  on  the  bosom  of  public  opinion." 

Though  this  address  speaks  of  the  "quiet  intervals"  which  Tammany  was 


56 


wont  to  indulge  in,  there  was  very  little  going  on  of  any  public  interest  in  which 
Tammany  had  not  an  active  share.  Thus,  on  the  death  of  Benjamin  Franklin, 
though  the  event  occurred  in  Philadelphia,  the  Tammany  Society  held  public 
ceremonies  in  honor  of  the  aged  patriot,  statesman  and  scientist.  In  1824  the 
Society  took  an  active  and  prominent  part  in  welcoming  the  "Nation's  Guest," 
Lafayette,  to  the  country  he  had  so  nobly  helped  to  render  independent.  In  1830 
the  Tammany  Society  celebrated  with  considerable  eclat  the  revolution  in  France 
against  that  Bourbon  of  the  Bourbons,  Charles  X.  A  meeting  was  called  at 
Tammany  Hall  on  November  25th,  at  which  President  Monroe  presided,  and  at 
which  was  present  a  large  number  of  distinguished  citizens,  including  the  able 
statesman  and  eminent  anti-Federalist,  Albert  Gallatin,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
under  both  Jefferson  and  Madison,  with  many  other  persons  of  approximate 
celebrity. 


?7 


CHAPTER   XIX. 

THE   ANTI-MASONIC  PARTY 

r  seems  now  almost  incredible  thai  a  political  part)  could  be 
formed  upon  the  single  idea  of  opposition  to  an  ancient  secret 
and  benevolent  society  which  existed  not  only  in  ever)  State 
in  the  Union,  but  also  every  portion  oi  the  civilized  world. 
Yet  from  a  single  act  of  violence  perpetrated  in  the  State  of 
New  York  in  iS_>(>,  known  to  history  as  "the  Morgan  affair." 
the  details  of  which  it  is  not  necessary  to  repeat  here,  thousands  of  persons 
deserted  the  usual  political  affiliations  and  actually  inaugurated  a  new  party,  with 
no  other  ostensible  object  than  the  ostracism  of  all  members  of  the  Ancient  Order 
of  Free  and  Accepted  Masons.  This  movement  was  far-reaching,  and  it  could 
not  fail  to  have  some  effect  upon  the  Tammany  Society,  but  events  finally  proved 
that  its  main  strength  came  from  Tammany's  opponents.  It  was  through  this 
new  party  that  William  H.  Seward  was  first  brought  prominently  into  notice,  he 
being  nominated  by  and  elected  to  the  State  Legislature  by  the  Anti-Masonic 
vote.  The  matter  was  complicated  by  the  fact  that  De  Witt  Clinton,  the  ever- 
chronic  candidate  for  some  office  in  the  State,  and  popular  with  his  party,  was,  in 
the  very  year  of  this  outbreak,  High  Priest  of  the  General  Grand  Chapter  of  the 
United  States.  Andrew  Jackson  was  also  a  Mason  of  high  order;  of  course,  also 
other  representative  men  of  all  parties  and  of  no  party  were  members  of  the  Order. 
The  excitement  spread  and  grew  for  several  years.  In  1828  the  Anti-Masons 
called  a  general  convention,  which  met  at  Le  Roy,  in  the  Western  part  of  the 
State,  in  which  twelve  counties  were  represented,  but  there  was  only  one  plank  in 
the  platform  on  which  they  stood,  yet,  at  the  ensuing  election  for  Governor,  this 
curious  party  actually  cast  over  33,000  votes,  not  enough,  however,  to  defeat  the 
Tammany  candidate,  Martin  Van  Buren,  who  was  elected. 

As  the  Presidential  election  approached  in  1828  the  Anti-Masonic  party 
joined  their  forces  with  the  National  Republicans,  and  voted  for  Mr.  Adams,  who 
was  not  a  Mason;  but  General  Jackson  received  the  electoral  vote.  Though  de- 
feated in  the  Presidential  contest,  in  the  State  election  of  183 1  the  Anti- 
Masons  elected  nearly  thirty  members  of  Assembly,  and  in  1832  even  nominated 
a  Presidential  candidate,  William  Wirt. 

Though  the  Anti-Masonic  party  showed  wonderful  tenacity  of  life,  especiallv 
in  the  western  counties  of  the  State,  yet  no  party  can  possibly  become  permanent 
resting  on  mere  negations;  and  the  political  enemies  of  the  Masonic  Order  had 
no  worlby  affirmative  principles.     Its  end  was  as  remarkable  as  its  origin. 

When  the  National  Republican  party  lost  its  distinctive  name,  and  became 
visible  only  as  the  Whig  organization,  the  Anti-Masons  suddenly  disappeared — 
the  Whigs  appeared  to  have  swallowed  them.  From  that  time  forward  the  lead- 
ers presented  no  ticket  for  their  whilom  followers  to  sustain,  much  to  the  discom- 
fiture of  the  innocent  rural  population  who  had  followed  their  leaders  in  this 
Quixotic  fight  so  zealously,  and  who  were  not  enlightened  as  to  the  "arrange- 
ment" which  involved  such  a  sudden  extinguishment  of  their  superior  nolitical 
ethics 


58 

The  first  person  in  New  York  City  to  formally  introduce  the  name  of  "Whig" 
for  the  acceptance  of  the  anti-Democratic  politicians  was  Col.  J.  Watson  Webb, 
editor  of  the  Courier  and  Inquirer,  who,  at  a  public  meeting  in  the  fall  of  1833, 
after  having  dilated,  somewhat  at  length  on  the  meaning  and  attitude  of  Whigism 
in  England,  made  a  motion  that  the  party  (National  Republican)  then  and  there 
accept  the  name  of  "Whig"  as  expressing  their  disapprobation  of  the  Administra- 
tion (Jackson's).  The  motion  was  put  to  the  audience  and  carried  in  the  affirma- 
tive, almost  unanimously. 

Mr.  Myron  H.  Clark,  who  was  elected  Governor  by  a  combination  of  all  the 
anti-Tammany  elements,  including  the  Prohibitionists,  has  been  aptly  described 
as  the  "discovered  link,"  he  combining  the  elements  in  his  career  of  figuring  as 
the  last  of  the  Whigs  and  the  first  of  the  Republicans. 


59 


CHAPTER   XX. 

THE  LOCO  FOCOS. 

NE    of    the    most    singular    cases    of    general    misunderstand- 
ing,   through    the    misapplication    of    a    grotesque    name    to 
a    very    earnest    and    sincere   party,    is   that   which    developed 
at   the   time   of   the   formation   of   the   "Equal  Rights"  asso- 
,.v^^j^s-.l        ciation,  which  for  years  was  called  the  "Loco  Focos." 

This  meaningless  term  was  applied  to  certain  dissenters 
in  the  Tammany  Society  through  a  mere  incident  which  occurred  at  a 
meeting  in  the  old  Wigwam  on  Nassau  street  in  1835,  under  the  follow- 
ing circumstances:  On  the  29th  of  October  a  meeting  was  called  to  assem- 
ble in  Tammany  Hall  for  the  purpose  of  making  certain  nominations.  The 
doors  being  open  at  seven  in  the  evening,  a  great  mass  of  the  usual  at- 
tendants rushed  in  and  rapidly  filled  all  the  available  space,  but  what  was 
their  surprise  to  find  that  they  were  not  the  first  arrivals;  the  platform 
was  already  filled  with  those  prepared  to  manage  the  meeting  and  secure 
the  adoption  of  their  own  candidates.  From  the  early  comers  in  possession  of  the 
meeting,  Isaac  L.  Varian  was  nominated  as  chairman,  and  without  the  question 
being  properly  put,  he  prepared  to  take  his  seat;  when,  from  the  floor  of  the 
"house,  the  Equal  Rights  men  nominated  Joel  Curtis  for  the  chair.  At  the  same 
time  a  broad  banner  was  uplifted  on  which  was  the  inscription,  "Joel  Curtis,  the 
anti-monopolistic  Chairman."  The  confusion  caused  by  this  unexpected  appari- 
tion was  so  great  that  Mr.  Varian's  effort  to  read  the  prearranged  list  of  nomina- 
tions was  futile,  so  far  as  the  hearing  of  the  names  was  concerned.  While  the 
excitement  was  at  its  height,  the  Hall  was  suddenly  immersed  in  darkness.  Each 
of  the  factions  present  thought  the  opposition  had  planned  this  manoeuvre  as  a 
piece  of  fine  strategy,  and  the  incident  has  been  so  represented  by  some  narrators; 
but.  in  fact,  it  was  nothing  of  the  kind,  it  was  only  the  suddenly  inspired  trick  of 
two  young  lads,  one  of  whom  was  not  more  than  fifteen  years  of  age,  and  both  of 
whom,  now  elderly  men,  are  still  living  (1898)  and  not  averse  to  telling  the  story. 
At  that  time  the  gas-meter  was  located  on  the  Frankfort  street  side  of  the  Hall, 
cpncealed  from  view  by  some  decorative  window  drapery,  but  well  known  to  these 
lads.  When  the  lights  were  extinguished  the  Varian  party  got  out  of  the  Hall 
^as  quickly  as  possible,  taking  the  rear  egress  by  which  they  had  entered,  retreat- 
ing to  an  adjoining  tavern  of  much  local  celebrity,  known  as  the  "Pewter  Mug," 
situated  on  Frankfort  street,  and  there  completed  their  nominations;  while  the 
Equal  Rights  party  retained  possession  of  the  Hall,  and  in  a  very  few  moments, 
having  produced  matches  from  their  pockets,  and  the  janitor  being  found,  they 
Telit  the  gas,  and  the  business  for  which  they  had  assembled  was  proceeded  with. 
The  next  morning  the  term  "Loco  Foco"  was  spontaneously  attached  to  the 
party  holding  the  Hall,  which  name,  for  a  long  period,  to  the  uninitiated,  served 
to  describe  the  whole  Tammany  Society,  just  as  a  local  event  had  in  former  years 
fixed  upon  them  the  sobriquet  of  "Rucktails." 


6o 

The  Equal  Rights  party  was  certainly  born  in  Tammany  Hall,  and  for  a 
limited  time  claimed  to  be  the  only  true  representative  of  that  purely  Democratic 
association:  it  was,  in  fact,  an  ultra  development  and  outgrowth  of  the  "Work- 
ingmen's"  party,  which  had  broken  off  from  the  parent  stem  in  1828,  lasting  about 
two  years.  The  Equal  Rights  party  arose  directly  out  of  the  Presidential  election 
of  1832,  when  all  Democratic  candidates  were  pledged  to  eternal  hostility  to- 
monopolies  of  all  kinds.  Certain  members  of  Tammany  had  begun  to  suspect 
that  their  leaders  were  not  seriously  maintaining  these  sentiments,  but  were,  on 
the  contrary,  acting  in  a  very  lenient  manner  toward  certain  corporations  and 
individuals  whom  the  pledges  exacted,  if  fully  carried  out,  would  certainly  put 
under  the  ban.  And,  perhaps,  they  were  not  altogether  wrong.  Mr.  Varian,  above 
referred  to,  was  a  bank  director,  and  the  person  who  nominated  him,  Mr.  George 
D.  Strong  was  president  of  the  Commercial  Bank.  It  was  certainly  a  new  thing 
for  Tammany  to  be  charged  with  favoring  monopolists. 

Among  the  persons  most  influential  in  this  new  offshoot  from  Tammany 
were  Mr.  George  Evans,  editor  of  the  IVorkinginans  Advocate,  Prof.  Gilbert  Vale,, 
of  the  Beacon,  and  William  Leggett,  then  associate  editor  of  the  Evening  Post. 

Sustaining  the  old  Tammanyites  at  this  time  were  the  Albany  Argus  and 
tin  New  York  Times,  while  the  Washington  Globe  endeavored  to  read  Mr.  Leg- 
gett out  of  the  Democratic  party,  as  an  agrarian  and  incipient  abolitionist.  The 
principal  objects  for  which  the  Equal  Rights  party  contended  were — Opposition 
to  bank  charters  granted  by  the  States;  in  favor  of  a  metallic  currency;  opposition 
to  the  United  States  Bank,  as  unconstitutional;  hostility  to  all  kinds  of  monopo- 
lies, favoring  one  class  of  people  above  others;  in  favor  of  giving  the  election  of 
President  and  Vice-President  to  the  direct  vote  of  the  people;  one  Presidential 
term;  short  terms  of  all  offices,  and  strict  responsibility  to  the  people;  the  equal 
rights  of  all  citizens.  The  charge  which  this  ultra-reforming  party  made  against 
Tammany  of  becoming  aristocratic  and  favoring  rich  monopolists  reads  strangely 
as  we  recall  that  it  was  on  these  very  grounds  that  Tammany  repudiated  one  of 
her  most  distinguished  members,  De  Witt  Clinton,  when  suspected  of  these  faults. 

The  new  party  called  Equal  Rights  met  in  'several  different  localities,  but 
their  more  permanent  headquarters  was  at  the  Military  and  Civic  Hotel,  on  the 
corner  of  Broome  street  and  the  Bowery.  The  year  after  their  withdrawal  from 
the  Wigwam  they  made  independent  nominations,  having,  at  a  general  meeting 
in  January,  1836,  thus  expressed  their  reasons  for  such  action,  namely:  "That 
we  no  longer  recognize  Tammany  Hall  as  a  Democratic  temple  of  true  Democ- 
racy, ncr  the  Tammany  Society  as  a  Democratic  body ;  that  the  Society  exercises 
a  political  as  well  as  a  proprietary  control  (See  Chap.  "Who  ( )whs  Tammany 
Hall?"),  so  that  only  such  candidates,  such  politics  and  such  usages  as  the 
Sachems  approve  can  be  permitted  there,"  etc.,  etc. 

In  the  charter  election  next  ensuing  the  Equal  Rights  party  nominated! 
Alexander  Ming,  Jr.,  for  Mayor.  There  were  three  Other  party  nominations. 
Tammany  nominated  C.  W.  Lawrence,  the  Whigs  Mr.  Greer,  and  the  Know- 
nothings  Mr.  Morse.  The  Tammany  nominee  was  elected  by  a  large  majority. 
In  the  State  election  the  Equal  Rights  party's  nominee  for  Governor  was  Isaac 
S.  Smith,  who  received  a  total  of  3,496  votes,  of  which  about  1,400  were  polled  in 
the  city,  some  of  the  nominees  of  the  latter  haying  united  with  Tammany.  In 
1837  tms  party,  still  usually  called  Loco  Koeos,  held  several  meetings  in  the  City 


Hall  Park,  for  the  purpose  pi  denouncing  whai  the)  called  the  bank  po 

and  also  the  forestallers  of  the  necessaries'  of  life.  1  irries  were  verj  bad.  All  kinds 
of  food,  as  well  as  Fuel,  were  extremel)  (Knar;  a  barrel  of  flour  cosl  -Si  |.  and 
the  same  amount  a  ton.  It  was  believed  that  a  ruinous  course  of  legislation  had 
caused  much  of  the  evil,  especially  the  over  issue  of  paper  money,  as  was  tersely 
expressed  at  one  of  these  meetings:  "As  the  currency  expands,  the  loaf  con- 
tracts." While  a  meeting  in  the  park  was  in  progress  some  one,  unrecognized  at 
the  time,  forced  his  way  among  the  crowd  and  shouted  out:  "Hart's  flour  Store!" 
Mr.  Hart  was  a  wholesale  merchant  on  Washington  street.  Nearl)  a  thousand 
persons  hanging  on  the  margin  of  the  meeting  took  up  the  cry  and  rushed  off  to 
the  place  indicated,  and  then  followed  tin-  Famous  "flour  riot."  Mr.  Hart's  store 
was  completely  sacked,  including  the  destruction  of  books  and  papers,  as  well  as 
quantities  of  wheat  and  flour.  Of  course,  there  was  an  immense  hue  and  cry- 
raised  by  a  portion  of  the  city  press,  who  were  only  too  glad  of  the  pretext  to 
attribute  the  riot  to  the  Loco  Focos,  some  going  so  far  as  to  charge  the  late 
nominee  of  that  part)  for  Mayor,  Col.  Ming,  with  having  uttered  the  words,  "Go 
to  the  flour  stores.  This  was  utterly  false,  and  was  so  proven  to  the  satisfaction 
of  the  authorities.  Fifty-three  of  the  rioters  were  arrested,  not  one  of  whom 
was  a  member  of  the  Loco  Foco  or  Equal  Rights  party.  1  hex  proved  to  be 
simply  idlers  and  vagrants,  such  as  are  always  to  be  found  in  a  large  city,  hanging 
on  the  outskirts  of  open-air  meetings. 

In  the  Legislative  session  of  1837,  to  which  the  Fqual  Rights  party  had  suc- 
ceeded in  electing  two  members,  one  of  whom  was  Mr.  Clinton  Roosevelt,  the 
latter  introduced  a  motion  requesting  the  appointment  of  a  committee  to  inquire 
into  the  usurious  practices  of  some  of  the  State  banks.  In  the  course  of  this 
inquiry  two  members  of  the  Equal  Rights  party  were  summoned  to  Albany  to 
testify.  One  of  these  happened  to  be  named  Slam — Levi  D.  Slam.  Thereupon 
the  New  York  Herald,  with  its  unique  talent  for  absurd  sobriquets,  added  the 
euphonious  word  "Bang"  to  this  gentleman,  and  thenceforward  always  mentioned 
the  Equal  Rights  party  as  the  firm  of  "Slam,  Bang  &  Co.,"  as  many  old  readers 
of  the  Herald  will  remember. 

But  it  was  about  time  for  this  truant  faction  to  think  of  returning  home.  Its 
absence  from  Tammany  had  not  been  so  complete  but  that  many  of  its  members 
attended  occasionally  at  the  meetings  held  in  the  Wigwam,  when  measures  were 
to  be  considered  with  which  these  truants  sympathized.  One  of  the  deserters, 
on  being  challenged  on  this  apparent  inconsistency,  defended  himself  and  brother 
Loco  Focos  by  replying:  "It  is  one  of  our  maxims  to  go  wherever  our  principles 
are  maintained."  This  being  so,  a  reunion  could  not  long  be  deferred;  the 
occasion  came  on  the  question  of  the  Independent  Treasury,  as  advocated  by 
President  Martin  Van  Buren.  On  the  21st  of  September,  1837,  a  meeting  was 
called  to  take  place  at  Tammany  Hall  on  the  25th,  "of  all  those  opposed  to  the 

Message  of  the  President."  What  was  expected  of  these  opponents  did  not 
clearly  appear;   whatever  it  was,  the  result  showed  that  practically  there  were  no 

opponents,  though  the  call  had  been  quite  numerously  signed.  The  friends  of 
the  President  were  in  such  a  large  majority  that  resolutions  sustaining  him  were 
passed  almost  unanimously.  The  Equal  Rights  men  were  there  and  voted,  not 
only  in  unity,  but  somewhat  vociferously.  Reunion  with  Tammany  now  began 
to  be  openly  talked  of,  though  the  truants  proceeded  to  make  up  a  separate  ticket 


62 


for  the  fall  elections;  but  on  the  24th  of  October,  at  a  general  meeting,  a  proposi- 
tion was  presented,  "to  effect  the  united  support  of  the  Democratic  family  in 
favor  of  one  ticket." 

Though  strongly  opposed  by  some  members,  negotiations  were  opened,  and 
brought  to  a  satisfactory  conclusion,  the  Tammany  Committee  agreeing  to 
nominate  five  members  of  the  Equal  Rights  party  on  the  general  ticket.  In  the 
end,  at  a  meeting  of  the  latter,  on  the  28th  of  October,  the  following  expression  of 
opinion  was  adopted:  "That  the  Equal  Rights  party  have  the  fullest  confidence 
in  the  ticket  jointly  nominated  by  the  nominating  committee  at  Tammany  Hall, 
and  by  the  Equal  Rights  party,  and  that  we,  as  a  party,  adopt  it  as  our  ticket,  and 
will  use  our  best  exertions  to  procure  its  entire  election."  This  was  carried  by 
seventy-one  votes  to  twenty-two.  Here,  in  this  early  secession  movement,  and  its 
end,  is  displayed  one  permanent  element  of  Tammany's  strength.  That  Society 
has  always  been  ready  to  welcome  its  wanderers  back;  it  never  shuts  the  door  in 
the  face  of  returning  prodigals,  no  matter  how  bitterly  the  latter  may  have  fought 
against  it  during  the  seperation. 

The  following  persons  were  those  chiefly  influential  in  forming  and  maintain- 
ing the  Equal  Rights  schism:  George  Evans,  William  Leggett,  Col.  Alexander 
Ming,  Gilbert  Vale,  Geo.  W.  Matsell,  Isaac  S.  Smith,  Robert  Townsend,  Stephen 
Hasbrouck,  Dr.  A.  F.  Vache,  Dr.  Samuel  Mitchell,  Job  Haskell,  F.  A.  Tallmadge, 
John  Windt  and  John  Commerfort. 


FRANCES  WRIGHT. 


63 

CHAPTER  XXL 

FRANCES  WRIGHT. 

Mi  >NG  other  absurd  names  which  for  a  while  was  applied  to  the 
Equal  Rights  party  was  that  of  "Free  Trade  and  Fanny 
Wright,"  which  originated  in  this  way:  On  one  of  the  pre- 
election parades  in  which  this  faction  indulged  certain  banners 
were  carried  bearing  the  inscription  "Free  Trade  and  Sailors' 
Rights."  Some  wicked  wit  suggested  that  it  should  be  "Free 
trade  and  Fanny  Wrights."  How  the  name  of  this  brilliant  and  earnest  reformer 
came  to  be  connected  with  a  political  party  is  easily  explained,  as  she  had  just 
previously  addressed  large  meetings  in  Tammany  Hall  on  education,  political 
economy  and  kindred  topics.  As  for  many  years  this  lady  was,  in  the  popular 
mind,  identified  with  Tammany  Hall,  a  brief  sketch  of  her  life  and  work  will  not 
be  out  of  place  here. 

Frances  Wright  (d'Aurusmont)  was  a  native  of  Dundee,  Scotland;  her 
father  was  a  Presbyterian  clergyman.  She  was  early  attracted  by  the  idea  of  a 
free  Republic,  and  in  1820  made  her  first  visit  to  this  country,  traveling  extensively 
through  the  Northern  and  Southern  States.  On  her  return  to  Europe,  then  only 
twenty-two  years  of  age,  she  published  a  book  entitled,  "Views  of  Society  and 
Manners  in  America,"  which  gave  to  Europeans  the  first  really  correct  idea  of  life 
in  the  United  States  at  that  period,  and  it  was  through  this  work  that  she  acquired 
the  permanent  friendship  of  Lafayette.  In  1833  sne  returned  to  New  York,  and 
commenced  a  series  of  lectures,  being  the  first  woman  in  this  country  to  address 
public  audiences  on  political  topics.  Some  of  these  addresses  were  given  in  Tam- 
many Hail,  the  churches  not  then  being  open  to  women  lecturers.  All  her  pub- 
lic speeches  were  marked  by  a  spirit  of  liberality  of  thought,  and  the  desire  to 
elevate  and  benefit  the  masses  who  came  to  listen  to  her.  The  thinking  portion 
of  her  audiences  greatly  admired  the  progressive  democratic  spirit  which  she 
evinced.  The  rougher  portion  were  often  rude  in  their  behavior,  not  foreseeing 
that  in  a  few  years  women  on  the  platform  would  cease  to  be  a  novelty.  Frances 
Wright  held  advanced  views  on  nearly  all  of  the  many  ethical  questions  now  so 
generally  adopted  by  all  intelligent  people.  Fler  favorite  maxim  was:  "Human- 
kind is  but  one  family;  the  education  of  its  youth  should  be  equal  and  universal." 
It  speaks  well  for  the  liberality  of  the  Tammany  Flail  managers  of  that  day  that 
this  brainy  woman  was  granted  the  use  of  their  platform.  Visiting  France  on  the 
invitation  of  Lafayette,  she  there  met  and  subsequently  married  M.  d'Aurusmont. 
Some  years  later  she  returned  to  the  United  States,  and  here  published  a  number 
of  works.  Her  publisher  was  a  well-known  member  of  Tammany  Hall,  Mr. 
John  Windt.  Frances  Wright  was  an  exceedingly  regal-looking  woman,  very 
nearly  six  feet  in  height,  with  a  fine  intellectual  head  and  features.  She  spoke, 
when  very  earnest,  with  a  slight  Scotch  accent.  She  died  in  Cincinnati  in  1852, 
at  the  age  of  fifty-five. 


64 


CHAPTER  XXII. 


THE  PATROONS. 

NE  of  the  subjects  which  greatly  interested  the  Tammany 
Society  was  the  feudal  tenants'  resistance  to  the  collec- 
tion of  rents  by  the  rich  "patroons"  occupying  large 
estates  on  the  banks  of  the  Hudson  River,  which  they 
had  received  by  royal  grants — some  from  the  States-Gen- 
eral of  Holland,  others  from  the  British  sovereign.  The 
greater  part  of  these  lands  lay  in  the  Counties  of  Albany  and  Rensselaer,  but  there 
were  also  large  tracts  in  the  Counties  of  Columbia,  Greene,  Ulster,  Sullivan,  Dela- 
ware, Schoharie,  Otsego,  Montgomery  and  Schenectady;  in  fact,  more  or  less  in 
all  of  the  counties  on  both  easterly  and  westerly  banks  of  the  river.  Those  of  these 
estates  originally  received  by  the  proteges  of  the  States-General  of  Holland,  and 
now  known  as  the  Holland  Patent,  were  re-transferred  to  the  original  owners  by 
the  British  crown  when  these  lands  came  into  the  possession  of  that  government. 
The  baronial  holders  let  the  land,  except  what  they  reserved  for  their  own  pleas- 
ure, to  the  agricultural  population,  upon  perpetual  leases,  rents  being  payable  in 
produce,  poultry  and  by  the  rendition  of  personal  service  by  men  and  teams.  In 
brief,  a  system  of  ownership  and  labor  such  as  was  usual  in  the  middle  ages  in 
Europe  had  been  transported  into,  and  was  perpetuated  in,  the  free  republican 
State  of  New  York  down  to  1846-7.  Royal  privileges  were  retained  bv  the 
proprietors,  who  reserved  to  themselves  all  mill  privileges,  mines,  minerals,  and 
even  the  right  of  way,  and  the  control  of  all  waterways.  And  thus  over  the 
immense  amount  of  land  occupied  by  these  patroons  there  could  be  no  transfers 
of  farm  land  without  their  consent,  and  naturally  no  increase  of  population  by 
new  settlers,  no  inducement  to  enterprise  of  any  kind. 

One  of  the  largest  estates  of  these  feudal  proprietors  was  that  held  by 
Stephen  Van  Rensselaer,  which  extended  over  a  tract  of  land  twenty-four  miles 
long  and  forty-eight  miles  wide,  lying  on  both  sides  of  the  Hudson  River. 

Others  approximated  to  this  in  extent.  It  was  on  the  occasion  of  the  death 
of  this  proprietor  of  the  Manor  of  Rensselaerwyck,  in  1839,  that  the  Anti-Rent 
contest  began  in  earnest.  The  tenants,  most  of  whom  were  largely  in  arrears  for 
rent,  flatly  refused  to  pay,  on  the  ground  (learned  from  their  lawyers)  that  the 
leases  in  perpetuity,  or  for  a  certain  number  of  lives,  were  legally  conveyances  in 
fee — simply  encumbered  with  certain  conditions;  and  that  in  reality  they  owned 
the  land,  and  were  not  mere  tenants  in  equity.  Thus  instructed,  the  desire  and 
the  intention  to  resist  became  infectious;  and  soon  the  whole  tenant  class  in  the 
other  counties  where  the  patroons  ruled  were  in  revolt.  A  State  Committee  was 
finally  appointed  to  inquire  into  their  grievances,  of  which  Samuel  J.  Tildcn  was 
chairman.  This  course  was  taken  in  answer  to  petitions  and  memorials  which 
had  been  presented  to  the  Assembly.  As  time  wore  on  without  any  practical 
relief,  the  disorder  in  the  several  counties  widened  and  became  more  violent. 
Men  disguised  as  Indians  lay  in  ambush  and  waylaid  officers  who  were  suspected 


"5 


of  bes 
that  tl 
redres 

bcuan 


distress  warrants.  Hhe  question  entered  politics,  and  the  result  was 
in  R.nt  men  were  elected  to  the  Assembly.  Bills  and  arts  intended  to 
■  wrongs  said  to  be  imposed  upon  the  people  l>_\  the  ruling  patroons 
to  the  State  House  at  Albany.     The  questions  at  issue  i 


I"1 


interest  in  other  States,  a: 
length  and  breadth  of  the 


as  in  the  City  <>f  New  York,  and  throughout  the 

TIh'  condition  of  land  titles  in  the  river  eonnties 

was  certainly  opposed  to  the  spirit  of  American  law.  which  has  always  discouraged 

the  entailment  of  landed  property,  which  the  patroon  system  especially  cultivated. 
If  Tammany  holds  one  democratic  principal  dearer  than  another  it  is  the 
preservation  of  the  American  spirit,  as  opposed  to  everything  mediaeval  and  aris- 
tocratic; to  antagonize  the  Europeanizing  of  this  country  was  Tammany  born,  and 

to  that  work  it  has  always  been  devoted.  It  may  therefore  he  readily  inferred  that 
the  Society  put  all  its  energy  into  sustaining  the  tenant  claimants  in  their  demands 
to  he  put  upon  an  equal  footing  with  other  citizens  of  the  State,  who  were  free 
from  the  bondage  of  these  antiquated  "customs  of  the  realm,"  derived  from  royal 
generosity  in  favor  of  a  special  class  of  settlers  in  a  new  country. 

Tt  was  against  the  more  violent  anti-renters,  who  in  some  cast's  had  been 
accused  of  incendiarism,  that  the  term  "barn-burners"  was  originally  hurled, 
though  later  it  was  applied  to  quite  another  class  of  politicians. 

The  anomaly  of  feudal  customs  existing  in  the  maintenance  of  these  land 
tenures  in  the  United  States  was  finally  wiped  out  by  the  Legislature  by  an  equit- 
able arrangement  suggested  by  Mr.  Tilden,  which  secured  satisfactory  compen- 
sation to  the  proprietors  and  left  the  farms  in  the  hands  of  the  occupants,  with 
liberty  to  sell  or  retain,  as  they  preferred;  also  to  come  and  go  at  their  own  will 
and  choice,  like  other  agriculturists  in  the  State — the  last  vestige  of  patroon  right 
being  abolished  under  the  Governorship  of  Silas  Wright. 

[For  full  particulars  of  the  legal  proceedings  in  this  matter,  see  Assembly  documents 
of  1846.] 


66 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

TAMMANY   AND  VAN  BUREN. 

AMMANY'S  attitude  toward  Martin  Van  Buren  varied  at  dif- 
ferent periods.  He  was  at  first  taken  up  by  the  Sachems,  some- 
what enthusiastically,  in  1832,  mainly  because  of  the  affront 
put  upon  him  by  the  combination  formed  in  Congress  against 
him  by  the  union  of  the  "Clay  Protectionists"  and  the  Calhoun 
men,  who,  in  the  Senate,  had  rejected  his  nomination  as 
Minister  to  England,  apparently  for  no  better  reason  than  to  annoy  President 
Jackson,  and  it  was  largely  due  to  the  Tammany  Society  that  Mr.  Van  Buren  was 
elected  President  in  1836. 

The  principal  measure  which  marked  Van  Buren's  administration  was  the 
passage  of  the  Independent  Treasury  bill,  which  was  first  introduced  into  the 
Senate  by  that  sterling  Democrat,  Silas  Wright,  ably  supported  by  Samuel  J. 
Tilden.  This  bill  was  recognized  as  the  favorite  measure  of  the  President,  and 
was  cordially  indorsed  by  Tammany  Hall.  A  large  meeting  of  the  Democrats  of 
the  county,  as  well  as  of  the  business  men  of  the  City  of  New  York  was  held  in  the 
Wigwam  on  the  26th  of  February,  1836,  on  which  occasion  Mr  Tilden  made  a 
stirring  speech,  advocating  the  complete  severance  of  Bank  and  State.  One  line 
of  his  argument  was  that  "the  Government  moneys  would  be  safer  in  the  hands  of 
officers  appointed  by  the  Federal  authority  than  in  the  hands  of  civilians,  or 
simply  business  men,"  giving,  in  support  of  his  opinion,  the  fact  that  "in  the 
United  States  Mint  there  had  not  been  a  dollar  lost  in  the  last  fifty  years.'* 
"Men,"  said  Mr.  Tilden,  "are  more  likely  to  assume  debts  which  they  cannot  meet 
than  they  are  to  commit  a  felony."  Tammany  was  an  early  and  constant  sup- 
porter of  the  free  banking  system.  At  a  meeting,  held  on  the  6th  of  February, 
resolutions  were  passed  in  favor  of  the  Independent  Treasury  Bill,  in  these  words: 

"Resolved,  That  we  require  in  banking  no  more  than  in  government  a  monarch  and 
privileged  nobility  to  regulate  our  affairs,  and  that  an  application  to  finance  of  the  prin- 
ciples of  equal  liberty,  so  successfully  applied  to  politics,  is  imperatively  required,  etc. 

"Resolved,  That  a  general  banking  law,  constructed  on  these  obvious  principles,  ought 
to  be  enacted.  It  will  close  up  the  most  fruitful  source  of  legislative  intrigue  and  corrup- 
tion; it  will  prevent  the  fraud  and  favoritism  practiced  in  the  distribution  of  stock  and 
remove  a  monopoly  which,  to  the  amount  of  the  extra  profit  it  confers,  levies  an  indirect 
tax  upon  the  unprivileged  masses  for  the  benefit  of  the  few." 

The  Independent  Treasury  Act  became  a  law  June  30th,  1837. 

Another  very  important  act,  in  the  interest  of  the  people,  was  the  passage  of 
the  pre-emption  law,  giving  the  preference  to  actual  settlers  in  the  sale  of  the  pub- 
lic lands — a  system  always  advocated  by  the  Tammany  Society. 

Later,  when  the  slavery  question  entered  into  the  practical  politics  of  the 
countrv,  Martin  Van  Buren  lost  his  hold  on  Tammany  and  became  the  candidate 
of  the  Free  Soil  wing  of  the  Democracy.  From  1850  to  i860  Tammany  was,  in 
national  politics,  mainly  occupied  in  endeavoring  "to  save  the  Union."  Like  the 
conservative  Whigs,  it  was  willing  to  sacrifice  much  to  prevent  the  threatened 


67 

secession  of  the  Southern  States,  but,  as  will  be  seen  in  subsequent  chapters,  when 
that  event  really  took  place,  none  was  more  prompt  in  meeting  the  exigency  than 
the  members  of  the  Tammany  Society. 

In  the  "forties,"  and  extending  into  the  succeeding  decade,  there  was  more 
than  one  disturbing  element  in  city  politics.  The  Native  American  party  began 
to  make  itself  felt.  The  Tammany  Society  has  always  been  the  strongest  possible 
advocate  of  American  principles,  but  also  opposed  the  ideas  of  the  Know-noth- 
ing, or  Native-American  party,  as  understood  in  politics;  that  is,  the  doctrine 
that  none  but  native-born  Americans  should  be  entrusted  with  office.  This  sen- 
timent, however,  was  very  strong,  not  only  in  New  York,  but  nearly  all  over 
the  country,  for  a  limited  period.  The  idea  was  advocated  in  Congress.  Mem- 
bers of  Assembly  were  elected  in  New  York,  and  iii  other  States,  to  carry  out,  so 
far  as  they  could  the  measures  proposed  by  this  new  organization.  Kven  in  the 
City  of  New  York,  in  1844,  its  advocates  were  able  to  elect  their  candidate  for 
Mayor,  the  gentleman  chosen  being  the  senior  member  of  the  publishing  firm  of 
Harper  Brothers,  Mr.  James  Harper. 

But  another  subject  of  dissension  was  rising,  destined  to  extinguish  the 
Know-nothing  and  nearly  all  other  questions  upon  which  parties,  or  individual 
statesmen,  differed.  This  was  the  question  of  the  extension  of  slavery,  arising 
approximately  out  of  the  proposition  to  admit  Texas,  then  an  independent  Repub- 
lic, into  the  Union  as  a  State.  Though  Texas  had  won  its  practical  independence 
from  Mexico  by  force  of  arms,  yet  Mexico  had  not  acknowledged  this  independ- 
ence or  ceased  to  claim  sovereign  rights  over  that  lost  territory.  Hence  to  admit 
this  revolted  province  of  Mexico  into  the  Union  of  the  States  must  inevitably  pre- 
cipitate hostilities  with  this  neighboring  power;  there  was,  nevertheless,  a  strong 
party  which  upheld  the  measure  within  Congress  and  out  of  it. 

There  was,  however,  a  very  strong  opposition  to  it.  Nearly  all  the  Northern 
statesmen  of  the  Whig  side  in  politics  viewed  the  annexation  project  unfavorably, 
and  on  this  question  Van  Buren  stood  on  very  nearly  the  same  ground  as  the 
conservative  Whigs  of  the  New  England  States.  Back  pf  the  prospective  war, 
however,  was  a  sentiment  stronger  than  any  sense  of  justice  to  Mexico  or  repug- 
nance to  war;  this  was  opposition  to  the  extension  of  slavery  in  the  United 
States.  A  large  and  growing  party  in  the  North  was  immovably  fixed  against 
any  action  by  Congress  which  would  increase  the  area  of  the  slave  States,  which 
it  was  foreseen  the  admission  of  Texas  would  do. 

Of  course,  the  Southern  politicians  naturally  favored  it.  As  Tammany 
always  took  its  share  in  the  large  questions  of  the  day,  it  could  not  ignore  this, 
and  upon  it  the  body  of  the  Society  was  divided  in  opinion. 

In  1846  adhesion  to,  or  rejection  of  the  "Wilmot  Proviso"  became  the  divid- 
ing line  in  the  Democratic  party  in  New  York,  as  elsewhere  throughout  the 
States,  and  also  in  Congress.  The  object  of  this  proviso  was  to  prohibit  the 
introduction  of  slavery  into  any  territory  acquired  by  purchase  or  otherwise  fromi 
Mexico,  which  included  the  present  State  of  California.  It  was  Mr.  Van  Buren's; 
attitude  on  this  point  which  cost  him  the  loss  of  the  Democratic  nomination  for 
President  and  gave  it  to  James  K.  Polk,  two  years  previously,  in  1844.  It  was 
this  question  of  the  extension  of  slavery  which  made  the  first  formidable  split  in 
the  Tammany  Society.  Other  divisions  had  been  healed  without  much  difficulty, 
but  this  became  to  that,  as  to  other  parties,  the  "irreconcilable  conflict,"  carrying 


68 

out  of  the  Wigwam  some  of  their  most  valued  members,  a  number  of  whom  did, 
indeed,  return  after  the  war,  while  others  were  permanently  lost  to  the  organiza- 
tion. 

It  is  worth  noting,  in  this  connection,  that  all  the  territory  added  to  the 
United  States  since  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  had  been  acquired  under 
Democratic  administrations,  except  Alaska.*  So  that  we  are  justified  in  the  logi- 
cal conclusion  that,  but  for  Democratic  energy  and  foresight,  the  country  to-day 
would  still  consist  only  of  the  original  thirteen  States,  with  the  addition  of  the 
semi-Russianized  peninsula  in  the  North  Pacific  Ocean.  The  Whig  party  fought 
against  the  admission  of  the  lands  acquired  from  Mexico,  which  included  Texas 
and  California,  just  as  the  old  Federalists  contended  against  Jefferson's  purchase 
of  Louisiana,  the  boundaries  of  which  then  included  all  the  States  generally 
spoken  of  as  "the  great  Northwest." 

During  this  exciting  period  a  powerful  auxiliary  to  the  political  power  of 
Tammany  Hall  existed  in  an  association  called  the  "Empire  Club."  Its  president 
and  leader  was  the  "undaunted"  Isaiah  Rynders,  who  first  acquired  local  fame  by 
his  energetic  and  effectual  work  in  the  Presidential  campaign  preceding  the 
election  of  James  K.  Polk.  This  club  had  rooms  at  28  Park  Row,  and  there  never 
were  livelier  times  around  the  polls  in  New  York  than  during  the  Rynders 
regime.  He  continued  as  active  leader  of  a  powerful  following  for  many  years, 
giving  his  best  efforts  to  the  election  of  Franklin  Pierce  in  1852  and  Buchanan 
in  '56.  He  was  one  of  the  muscular  genus,  and  did  not  hesitate  to  repel  force  by 
force  if  the  circumstances  called  for  it.  Mr.  Rynders  was  appointed  Marshal  for 
the  Southern  District  of  New  York  in  1857. 


Up  to  date  of  the  late  war  with  Spain. 


6g 


(  HAPTER  \\l\ 


THE  FREE  SOIL  MOVEMENT. 


: 


IIRING  the  political  turmoil  which  preceded  the  war  of  secession 
the  Tammany  Society  planted  itself  on  strictly  constitutional 

ground  repudiating  the  "higher  law"  doctrine  of  the  anti-slavery 
party.  To  the  Tammany  adherents  the  law  of  the  land  was  tin- 
law  to  be  recognized,  which  brought  upon  them  the  newly  in- 
vented sobriquet  of  "old  hunkers;"  and  this  elegant  term  was 
applied  as  well  to  all  of  the  Democratic  party  who  ventured  to  defend  the  consti- 
tutional rights  as  guaranteed  in  the  original  compact  of  the  States,  the  Constitu- 
tion, at  that  time  clearly  recognizing  the  existence  of  slavery  in  several  of  the 
States.  These  conservative  politicians  held  that  the  Government  had  no  right  to 
infringe  Article  4th  of  the  Constitution,  and  in  the  3d  clause  of  Section  2,  the 
rendition  of  escaping  slaves  was  specially  provided  for;  hence  the  hunkers  did 
not  wince,  nor  were  their  ethics  disturbed,  when  the  famous  compromise  meas- 
ures of  1850  included  the  return  of  fugitive  slaves.  But  sentiment  and  humanity 
proved  stronger  than  constitutional  provisions,  and  the  whole  of  the  decade  be- 
tween 1850  and  i860  may  be  said  to  have  been  consumed  in  discussing  the  sub- 
ject of  slavery  by  one  partv  and  in  devising  schemes  to  suppress  its  discussion  br- 
others. 

As  this  episode  in  American  politics  has  been  treated  by  many  able  writers, 
from  almost  every  possible  point  of  view,  we  do  not  think  it  necessary  to  give 
here  opinions  on  a  subject  which  is  now  a  dead  issue,  any  further  than  is  called 
for,  to  show  Tammany's  position  in  the  preliminary  political  skirmishes  which 
affected  the  membership  of  the  Society  a.s  well  as  its  influence  in  the  community. 
In  the  National  Democratic  Convention  of  1848,  which  met  at  Raltimore  on  May 
22d  of  that  year,  two  delegations,  each  calling  themselves  "regular,"  put  in  their 
claims  to  recognition,  the  party  being  divided  into  two  factions  known  as 
"hunkers"  and  "barnburners."  The  hunkers  were  affiliated  with  the  Tammany 
party,  and  were  thus  designated  by  their  opponents  as  resembling  the  Bourbons, 
of  whom  it  is  alleged  they  neither  learn  anything  nor  forget  anything.  The 
"barnburners,"  who  eventually  merged  into  the  Free  soil  party,  were  thus  named 
because  the  old  conservatives  likened  them  to  the  farmer  who  burned  down  his 
barn  to  get  rid  of  the  rats,  the  hunkers  believing  that  those  so  zealous  to  get  rid 
of  slavery  were  in  danger  of  destroying  the  Union  at  the  same  time. 

The  divisions  of  the  Democratic  party  which  grew  out  of  these  slavery  dis- 
cussions were  intensified  by  the  tenacity  with  which  the  "barnburner"  wing  kept 
its  loyalty  to  the  fortunes  of  Martin  Van  Buren,  who.  as  stated  above,  had  been 
sidetracked  in  the  National  Convention  in  1844  m  favor  of  James  K.  Polk,  who 
was  elected  over  the  Whig  nominee,  Henry  Clay,  by  the  electoral  vote  of  170  to 
105.  The  admission  of  Texas  had  been  effected  under  President  Polk's  adminis- 
tration in  1845;  hut  the  struggle  over  it  had  left  bitter  feelings,  still  active  in 
minds  of  the  barnburner  Democrats,  who  shortly  after  assumed  the  name  of  Free 


70 


Soilers.  The  body  calling  itself  the  State  Democracy  met  in  convention  at  Syra- 
cuse on  the  29th  of  September  and  remained  in  session  until  the  2d  of  October, 
1847,  this  being  the  hunker  wing  of  the  party. 

This  body  issued  an  address  which  proved  very  displeasing  to  the  Van 
Buren,  or  barnburner  faction,  which  incontenintly  seceded  and  called  a  counter 
convention,  which  was  first  appointed  to  be  held  on  the  22d  of  February,  1848, 
but  the  date  was  afterward  changed  to  the  16th  of  the  same  month.  Selecting 
their  old  favorite,  Van  Buren,  as  their  candidate  for  President,  though  he  had 
been  beaten  in  the  popular  vote  of  1840  and  rejected  by  the  National  Convention 
of  1844,  they  still  succeeded  in  drawing  off  so  large  a  number  from  the  regular 
organization  as  to  greatly  weaken  it  before  the  people. 

The  hunkers  met  this  movement  by  a  call  to  their  followers  to  meet  at 
Albany  on  the  26th  of  January,  1848,  where  they  matured  plans  for  the  selection 
of  candidates  to  represent  their  views  at  the  National  Convention,  which  body 
was  to  meet  at  Baltimore  in  May.  The  unwisdom  of  division  was  soon  made 
apparent.  The  Committee  on  Credentials  proposed  to  the  leaders  that  both  wings 
of  the  party  from  New  York  should  promise  to  abide  peaceably  by  the  decision 
of  the  committee  and  support  the  nominee  of  the  convention,  whoever  he  might 
prove  to  be.  The  Tammany  men  agreed  to  this,  but  the  barnburners  would  not. 
Then  the  committee  agreed  to  admit  both  factions  on  equal  terms,  but  still  the 
barnburners  were  obdurate  and  finally  they  withdrew  from  the  convention; 
and  the  hunkers,  considering  themselves  insulted  by  being  considered  as  no  bettei 
than  mere  barnburners,  though  they  kept  their  seats  in  the  convention,  took  no 
part  in  the  proceedings.     Thus  New  York's  electoral  vote  for  Lewis  Cass,  the 

nominee  of  the  convention,  was  lost,  and  with  it  the  Presidency  for  the  ensuing 
four  years,  the  Whig  candidate,  General  Taylor,  being  elected. 

In  1856  there  was  another  disastrous  schism,  the  Democratic  party  being 

now  divided  between  the  "Hards"  and  the  "Softs."     New  York's  electoral  vote 

was  again  lost.     The  separate  delegations,  each  having  an  equal  number  of  votes, 

neutralized  each  other. 


■-  ■- 

w  ■_ 

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-  7. 

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=  - 

Eh  X. 

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-'  : 

2  D 


7' 


CHAPTER   XXV. 

MICHAEL  WALSH. 


\  ERY  vital  personality  which  once  made  an  integral  part  of  t he 
Tammany  llall  political  forces  was  the  Hon.  Michael  Walsh, 
better  remembered,  perhaps,  by  his  abbreviated  name  of 
"Mike."  If  lie  was  in  active  politics  now,  he  would  probably 
he  accused  of  being-  a  Socialist,  so  ardent  were  his  feelings  in 
regard  to  everything  hearing  on  the  welfare  of  the  working 
classes;  hut  in  his  day  the  word  had  not  become  acclimated  in  America.  Even 
the  pungent  Democracy  of  Tammany  Hall  was  not  broad  enough  to  satisfy  his 
aspirations  after  "liberty,  fraternity  and  equality."  Mr.  Walsh's  active  career  in 
politics  commenced  early  in  the  "40's,"  a  period  of  intense  partisan  excitement. 
Honorable  gentlemen,  both  in  the  State  Legislature  and  in  Congress,  indulged 
in  an  amount  and  virulence  of  personalities  which  would  not  now  be  tolerated. 

Born  and  bred  in  New  York  City,  in  the  Third  Ward,  he  had  all  the  charac- 
teristics of  the  young  American  let  loose,  with  the  addition  of  a  veritable  genius 
for  effective  oratory  and  a  political  discernment  exceedingly  rare  in  those  whose 
early  years  have  been  largely  consumed  in  manual  labor.  In  later  life,  Mr.  Walsh 
became  a  lumber  merchant  near  the  same  locality  where  he  had  formerly  worked 
with  his  hands.  His  intensity  of  conviction  overcame  the  lack  of  scholastic  train- 
ing, and  he  became  a  clear  and  forcible  writer  on  his  favorite  topics,  as  well  as  a 
brilliant  orator. 

Among  his  political  followers  he  early  attained  the  unique  distinction  of 
being  considered  as  "always  right."  This  was  particularly  true  of  his  large  con- 
stituency in  the  Fourteenth  Ward,  in  which  he  resided  for  many  years  while  in 
active  politics.  His  cardinal  principle  was  never  to  allow  his  followers  to  take  a 
defensive  position,  but  always  the  aggressive,  even  if  physical  force  was  necessary, 
which  sometimes  happened  in  those  days  at  the  polls,  there  being  then  no 
registry  law  and,  consequently,  many  more  chances  of  disorder.  His  followers 
were  systematically  divided  into  sections,  each  having  their  captain  and  lieuten- 
ant. Among  these  were  Edward  Sprague,  who  was  commonly  called  "Major," 
the  two  Chanfraus,  Henry  and  Joseph,  John  Ketcham,  George  Isaacs,  John 
Austin  and  "Governor"  McElroy.  The  discipline  of  the  rank  and  file  was  very 
effective!  He  was  sometimes  called  the  "perpetual  critic."  because  he  was  per- 
petually criticising  the  management  of  the  political  leaders  in  Tammany  Hall, 
and  though  a  useful  and  hard-working  ally  when  the  need  arose,  he  was  apt  to  be 
something  of  a  thorn  in  the  flesh  at  times. 

In  1847,  when  in  the  State  Legislature,  a  member  from  the  rural  district  of 
Otsego  took  advantage  on  an  occasion  of  Mr.  Walsh's  absence  to  make  an 
unmanly  attack  upon  him,  his  career  and  his  constituency;  going  so  far  as  to 
describe  the  latter  as  "dirty  Democrats."  Of  course,  Walsh  was  informed  of 
what  had  taken  place.  To  say  that  the  lion  was  aroused  would  not  begin  to 
express  his  state  of  mind.     Seizing  upon  the  first  opportunity  which  occurred. 


7^ 


Mr.  Walsh  entered  upon  a  dissection  of  his  assailant,  a  Mr.  Fenno,  with  such  a 
verbal  avalanche  of  sarcastic  retorts  as  would  have  made  even  Randolph  of  Roan- 
oke pale  with  envy,  and  can  only  be  compared  in  the  sharpness  of  its  virus,  to  the 
arraignment  of  the  Duke  of  Grafton  by  Junius.  Repeatedly  Mr.  Fenno  appealed 
to  the  Chair  for  protection,  but  the  whole  Assembly  sympathized  with  Mr.  Walsh, 
feeling  that  Mr.  Fenno  had  brought  his  punishment  upon  himself  by  his  unwar- 
ranted attack  on  the  New  York  member,  and  particularly  by  the  unjustifiable 
stigma  he  had  cast  on  Mr.  Walsh's  constituency.  The  Chair  declined  to  inter- 
fere until  the  evident  misery  of  his  victim  appeared  to  touch  the  feelings  of  even 
the  angry  orator,  who  had  by  this  time  made  Mr.  Fenno  appear  absolutely  ridicu- 
lous, the  Assembly  having  been  repeatedly  convulsed  with  laughter.  At  last  Mr. 
Walsh,  looking  his  subdued  and  utterly  humiliated  assailant  in  the  face,  con- 
cluded thus:  "You  can  go,  but  remember,  for  the  future,  that  bull-frogs  should 
never  undertake  to  grapple  with  lions."  Nor  did  any  one  else  attempt  to  assail 
Michael  Walsh  while  he  was  a  member  of  the  State  Legislature,  to  which  after 
his  first  term  of  service  had  expired,  he  was  re-elected.  Subsequently,  when 
Walsh  was  sent  to  Congress,  he  had  a  somewhat  similar  victorious  contest  with 
a  Western  member.  On  his  renomination  to  Congress,  in  1854,  he  was  defeated 
by  John  Kelly,  probably  the  only  man  at  that  time  in  New  York  who  could  have 
beaten  him.  Micheal  Walsh  first  won  his  oratorical  spurs  in  a  speech  at  Tam- 
many Hall  against  the  "Know-Nothing"  element  to  which  he  was  most 
vehmently  opposed,  claiming  that  the  sooner  foreigners  were  admitted  to  the 
franchise,  the  sooner  they  became  Americanized  and  good  citizens. 


DANIEL  F.  TIEMANN. 


n 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

WHO  OWNS  TAMMANY  HALL? 

( )  I\1()ST  outsiders  it  is  more  or  less  of  a  mysterj  how  a  society 
incorporated  as  a  purely  benevolertf  association  has  grown  to 
represenl  the  most  permanent  political  organization  in  the 
country.  Another  querj  to  the  uninitiated  has  been  where 
to  (haw  the  line  between  the  Sachems  of  the  Columbian  <  >rder 
and  the  active  politicians  who  run  what  is  popularly  known  as 
the  "Tammany  machine/'  the  same  names  frequently  appearing  in  both  rolls. 
The  facts  are  not  so  difficult  of  explanation  as  they  appear  on  the  surface. 

As  stated  in  Chapter  I.  the  founders  of  the  Tammany  Society,  though  not 
all  then  bearing  the  name  of  I  Vmocrats  (or  as  they  were  then  called  Republicans), 
were,  in  fact,  invariably  persons  imbued  with  Democratic  ideas,  as  opposed  to 
Federalism.  As  time  advanced  these  early  intuitions  became  more  fixed  and  per- 
manent. At  the  time  of  the  incorporation  of  the  Society  it  had  become  practically 
partisan  in  its  character,  though  not  claiming  to  be  such,  but  only  thoroughly 
American.  Its  form  of  application  to  the  Legislature,  and  probably  its  then 
intent,  was  only  for  the  purpose  of  looking  after  the  welfare  of  its  own  members 
and  their  families,  but  in  politics  they  were  then,  nearly  all.  anti-FederaJ.  For 
over  twenty  years  of  the  early  existence  of  the  Society  it  occupied  hired  halls  and 
places  of  meeting,  the  rent  being  paid  out  of  the  general  treasury,  but  in  1S11-12, 
when  their  first  permanent  building  was  erected,  it  became  absolute  owner  of  the 
same.  At  first  its  large  hall,  particularly  the  ball-room,  was  let  for  temporary 
occupancy  to  various  associations  and  parties,  without  much  attention  to  the 
nature  of  the  occupant's  politics,  but  it  was  not  very  long  before  the  question 
arose:  "Should  the  Hall,  owned  by  the  Columbian  Order,  be  let  to  political  par- 
ties opposed  to  the  doctrines  of  Democracv?  Of  course,  discussion  followed. 
as,  by  refusing  to  so  let,  a  certain  loss  of  revenue  must  he  reckoned  on;  but  prin- 
ciple triumphed  over  financial  considerations,  and  it  was  finally  decided  that, 
though  the  Hall  might  be  let  for  miscellaneous  purposes,  such  as  balls,  banquets, 
etc.,  of  a  simply  social  character,  and  for  lectures  on  scientific  and  literary  sub- 
jects, it  should  not  be  let  to  or  allowed  to  be  used  by  opposing  political  parties. 

A  case  which  occurred  in  1853,  and  therefore  well  within  the  memory  of 
many  of  our  readers,  will  illustrate,  perhaps,  better  than  any  other  mode  of 
explanation  how  the  Society,  the  successor's  of  the  original  founders,  controlled 
the  use  of  the  building. 

In  February  of  1853,  the  Grand  Council  of  the  Society  of  Tammany  or  the 
Columbian  Order  issued  a  special  "Address"  on  this  very  subject,  and  in  defence 
of  a  recent  decision  made  by  them,  "Relative  to  the  Political  Use  of  Tammany 
Hall."  The  Hall  was  then  on  the  corner  of  Nassau  and  Frankfort  streets,  the 
present  site  of  The  Sun  building.    The  substance  of  this  address  was  as  follows: 

"Brothers,  the  action  of  the  Grand  Council,  in  a  certain  case  recently  decided,  has  been 
assailed.  It  is  light  that  you  should  know  the  facts.  You  are  scattered  abroad  through 
every  State  of  our  beloved  Union,  but  your  hearts  are  here  with  us.  and  our  reputation  is 


74 

dear  to  you.  The  event  which  has  caused  criticism  of  our  Council  cannot  be  considered  of 
local  interest  only;  It  is  of  wide  concern,  because  it  relates  to  the  character  and  position 
of  our  Society,  and  its  relation  to  Tammany  Hall.  The  Tammany  Society  is  now  [1853] 
two-thirds  of  a  century  old,  and  has  for  a  long  time  been  a  centre  of  Democracy,  to  some 
extent,  to  the  whole  country.  The  unanimity  required  for  the  admission  of  new  members 
Insures  the  character  and  standing  of  each  and  all,  and  yet  allows  of  wide  diffusion  and 
liberality  of  welcome,  excluding  only  enemies  of  our  political  faith. 

Our  Society  Owns    Tammany  Hall, 

and,  by  its  control  of  it,  is  able  to  exert  great  influence  on  the  Democratic  organization. 
We  have  had,  and  have,  as  members,  nearly  all  the  military  and  naval  heroes  of  the 
country— all  'the  favorite  sons'  of  every  State  in  the  Union,  as  well  as  noble  statesmen  in 
the  national  councils;  the  most  renowned  men  from  the  North.  South,  East  and  West, 
have  all  been  initiated  into  our  brotherhood." 

The  use  of  Tammany  Hall  is  now  regulated  by  the  lease  (of  date  December 
12,  1842)  from  the  Tammany  Society  to  Joseph  W.  Howard,  under  the  following 
covenant:  "And  the  said  party  of  the  second  part  promise  and  agree  to,  with  the 
said  party  of  the  first  part  [the  Society  of  Tammany],  their  successors  and 
assigns,  that  the  present  Democratic  Republican  General  Committee  of  the  City 
of  New  York  and  their  successors  shall  have  the  privilege  of  holding  all  their 
political  meetings  in  said  Tammany  Hall  during  the  continuance  of  this  lease  and 
the  renewal  thereof. 

'  The  said  lessee  also  agrees  not  to  let  or  sub-let  to  any  other  political  party." 

Elijah  F.  Purdy  was  Chairman  of  the  Democratic  Republican  Committee 
when  this  lease  was  signed,  February  4,  1853.  It  was  also  provided  at  this  time 
that,  in  case  doubt  or  question  arising  whether  any  party  desiring  to  hire  the  hall 
was  of  the  correct  brand  of  Democracy,  the  matter  should  be  referred  in  writing 
either  to  the  Grand  Sachem  or  to  the  Father  of  the  Council.  The  final  power  to 
act  upon  such  a  case  was  vested  in  the  Grand  Council. 

At  this  period  a  case  in  point  had  arisen.  At  the  opening  of  the  year  1853 
the  Democratic  organization  of  the  city  found  itself  in  very  peculiar  circum- 
stances. The  General  Committee  for  the  preceeding  year  had  provided  primary 
meetings  for  the  election  of  their  successors,  but  had  failed  to  designate  the  time 
or  place  of  meeting  to  report  on  the  result.  Under  ordinary  circumstances  the 
omission  would  have  been  comparatively  unimportant,  as  the  members  would  have 
arranged  it  among  themselves,  and  would  naturally  have  chosen  Tammany  Hall; 
but  it  so  happened  that  united  action  on  this  occasion  was  not  possible,  as  it  was 
known  that,  out  of  the  then  existing  twenty  wards,  in  sixteen  the  regular  nomina- 
tions would  be  contested,  and  the  danger  appeared  that  two  organizations  might 
be  formed.  The  General  Committee  for  1852  was  defunct  by  lapse  of  time,  and 
that  for  1853  had  yet  to  be  elected.  There  seemed  no  way  out  of  the  difficulty  but 
for  the  Grand  Council  of  the  Tammany  Society  to  "mediate;"  therefore,  con- 
tinues this  address,  "We  request  the  delegates  from  the  wards,  elected  pursuant 
to  the  call  of  the  late  General  Committee,  to  meet  at  Tammany  Hall  on  the  even- 
ing of  January  13th  for  organization,  the  old  officers  courteously  uniting  in  this 
request  'for  those  having  certificates  signed  by  a  majority  of  the  Inspectors.' " 

On  the  evening  designated  those  claiming  to  have  been  elected  as  members 
of  the  General  Committee  for  1853  did  meet  as  invited,  when  there  ensued  one  ot 
the  most  grotesque  entertainments  ever  offered  to  the  onlookers  at  a  political 
gathering. 


75 

The  hall  was  crowded  with  an  expectant  audience,  composed  nol  only  oi  the 
"regulars"  and  contestants,  bul  of  their  followers  and  supporters,  as  well  as  a 
large  number  of  curious  spectators.  \\  hen  it  became  necessary  to  proceed  to  the 
election  of  a  chairman  pro  tern,  Daniel  E.  Delevan  was  nominated,  apparently 
chosen  by  the  majority,  and  took  his  seat.  Immediately  thereupon  the  contestants 
nominated  Thomas  J.  Barr,  and,  many  voices  approving,  lie  also  took  his  seat 
upon  the  platform,  close  to  Mr.  Delevan.  The  latter  received,  put  and  decided 
motions  by  which  Mr.  George  II.  Purser  and  Thaddeus  B.  Glover  were  ap- 
pointed temporary  Secretaries.  Messrs.  Grazier  and  Cohen  were  thereupon 
nominated  for  the  same  duty  by  the  opposing  parts .  the  motion  for  their  appoinl 
ment  being-  put  by  Barr,  and  decided  in  their  favor  by  him.  Things  began  to  look 
ridiculous  or  dangerous,  as  the  spectators  viewed  them  more  or  less  seriously. 
An  animated  discussion  arose,  and  a  motion  was  put.  first  by  one  chairman  and 
then  by  the  other,  that  "only  those  should  remain  in  the  hall  who  held  certificates 
signed  by  two-thirds  of  the  Inspectors."  This  motion  was  carried.  The  roll 
being  called,  the  ineligible  quietly  retired,  fifty-eight  of  the  sixty  members  remain- 
ing with  Delevan  as  Chairman.  Another  vote  was  then  taken  for  Chairman,  only 
thirty  in  response  voting.  Mr.  Barr  refused  to  accept  this  vote,  and  retired  with 
his  followers  to  the  other  side  of  the  room  and  there  formed  a  separate  organiza- 
tion, on  the  ground  that  parties  remaining  with  Mr.  Delevan  had  been  allowed 
to  vote  whose  certificates  had  been  signed  only  by  a  majority  and  not  by  all  of  the 
Inspectors.  Those  remaining  with  Delevan  elected  him,  with  Messrs.  Purser 
and  Glover  as  officers  of  the  "regular"  organization.  Both  parties  then  adjourned 
to  meet  again  at  Tammany  Hall  on  the  18th  inst.  Union  was  still  hoped  for,  and 
on  the  evening  named  Delevan  and  his  friends  met  as  usual  in  the  committee 
room  with  open  doors,  but  Mr.  Barr  and  his  followers,  instead  of  coming  there, 
met  in  a  room  public  to  all  the  guests  of  the  hotel,  and  there  perfected  their 
organization,  adjourning  to  meet  again  at  Tammany  Hall  on  the  20th. 

It  was  now  time  for  the  General  Council  to  get  in  its  fine  work;  a  meeting 
was  called  on  the  afternoon  of  the  10th;  ten  Sachems  being  present,  after  some 
little  discussion,  the  decision  was  rendered  that  the  Delevan  party  was  alone 
entitled  to  the  use  of  Tammany  Hall;  and  also  that  no  committee  was  to  meet 
until  the  21st  inst.  It  was  this  action  of  the  Grand  Council  which  had  called 
forth  the  criticism  alluded  to  in  the  commencement  of  this  chapter,  and  was  the 
occasion  of  the  issuance  of  the  formal  address  to  the  general  "Brotherhood." 
When  the  decision  of  the  Council  was  made  known,  forty-one  members  had  pub- 
lished a  call  for  a  meeting  hostile  to  what  they  deemed  "the  unprecedented 
assumption  of  the  Sachems."  But  they  were  not  allowed  to  use  the  building. 
Among  these  forty-one  were  Sachem  Cornell,  and  Brothers  West,  Bogardus  and 
Connolly,  and  of  these  one  had  voted  for  the  motion  carried,  as  to  certificates, 
and  the  others  had  aided  in  procuring  the  action  they  now  condemned. 

At  the  authorized  meeting  of  January  21st  a  permanent  organization  was 
effected,  Lorenzo  Shepard  being  chosen  chairman;  Jacob  F.  Oakley,  treasurer; 
Thaddeus  Glover  and  Abraham  S.  Vosburgh,  secretaries. 

This  notable  "Address,"  in  closing,  congratulates  the  Brotherhood  on  the 
result  of  the  recent  Presidential  election — that  of  Franklin  Pierce.  Tt  is  dated. 
"At  the  Council  Chamber  of  the  Great  Wigwam,  at  Manhattan,  in  the  season  of 


76 


Snows,  2d  Moon;  in  the  sixty-fifth 
seventy-seventh  of  Independence." 
Signed  by 


Elijah   F.   Purely, 
Andrew  H.  Mickle, 
John  Dunham, 
Samuel  Allen, 
Charles  A.  Denike, 
Thomas  Dunlap, 


year  of  the  institution  of  the  Society,  and  the 
(New  York,  February  4,  1853.) 


Jacob  M.   Vreeland. 
Andre  Fromont, 
George  S.  Messerve 
Wm.  J.  Brown, 
Is.  V.  Fowler, 
Stephen  H.  Feeks. 


(Jeorge  Messerve:    Father  of  the  Council. 
Thomas  K.  Downey:    Scribe. 

These  proceedings  clearly  show  that  the  incorporated  "Society  of  Tammany, 
or  the  Columbian  Order,"  are  the  legal  owners  and  proprietors  of  the  structure 
known  as  Tammany  Hall,  and  that  the  political  organization  which  has  for  so 
long  had  their  headquarters  there,  are  simply  tenants  at  will  of  the  old  Society. 
That  they  have  a  very  secure  tenure  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  all,  or  very 
nearly  all,  of  the  officers  and  members  of  the  latter  are  also  members  of  the  politi- 
cal party  which  is  best  known  to  the  public  as  representing  '■Tammany." 

More  recent  events  have  shown  that  the  practical  control  of  Tammany  Hall 
still  resides  in  the  Sachems  and  officers  of  the  incorporated  organization.  In 
November,  1894,  among  some  of  the  younger  men  there  was  considerable  talk  of 
choosing  leaders  independently  of  the  Sachems.  One  of  the  latter  put  the  case 
thus  to  an  active  malcontent:  "Suppose  that  the  young  men  should  reorganize, 
and  that  an  attempt  was  made  to  reorganize  us  out  of  Tammany,  what  would 
happen?  Simply  that  the  trustees  of  the  Tammany  Society  would  shut  the  same 
young  men  out  of  Tammany  Hall  building.  Yours  would  then  be  a  guerrilla 
organization  and  not  Tammany  Hall.  Would  it  not?"  That  view  of  the  case 
effectually  stopped  the  movement. 


ISAAC   BELL. 


77 


CHAPTER   XXVII. 

TAMMANY'S  ATTITUDE  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 

URING  the  discussion  of  the  situation  preceding  the  outbreak 
of  the  Civil  War,  Tammany,  as  we  have  noticed  in  the  previ 
ous  chapter,  did  all  that  a  political  part)  could  do  to  preserve 
the  integrit)  of  the  Union;  bul  when  hostilities  had  com- 
menced by  the  firing  upon  Fori  Sumter,  they  promptly  took 
their  place  on  the  side  of  the  Government;  resolved,  if  the 
Union  could  not  be  maintained  by  peaceable  means,  it  must  be  preserved  at  any 
eost,  and  by  all  the  means  in  the  hands  of  loyal  men. 

As  illustrating  the  feelings,  not  only  of  the  officers  and  leaders  of  the  Society, 
but  as  also  expressing  the  state  of  mind  of  tin  rank  and  tile  of  the  members,  we 
cannot  do  better  than  give  the  programme  of  the  proceedings  of  a  meeting  held 
in  the  Wigwam  on  the  Fourth  of  July,  1862. 

The  following  is  the  official  order  of  the  day: 

"I'll.  Officers  and  Sachems  are  requested  to  meet  at  the  old  Wigwam  at  11.30  A.  M. 
'I'll,    doors  of  the  large  hall  will  be  thrown  open  to  the  public  at  12  M.  precisely. 

"From  that  hour  until  1  P.  M.  the  Sicilian  brass  band  will  play  national  airs.  The 
general  exerdoefl  will  in-  opened  by  the  performance  of  an  overture  by  the  band.  The 
opening:  address  will  be  made  by  the  Grand  Sachem.  Nelson  J.  Waterbury.  Then  follows 
the  National  Hymn,  "My  Country,  'tis  of  Thee,'  sung:  by  Colburn,  assisted  by  twenty-four 
picked  boys,  with  piano  accompaniment.  The  Declaration  of  Independence  will  then  be 
read  by  Brother  George  \V.  McLean.  Mr.  Colburn  will  next  sing  the  'Red,  White  and 
Blue,'  with  his  chorus  and  accompaniment.  The  recitation  of  Eliza  Cook's  'Ode  to  Wash- 
ington' is  next  in  order.  One  of  the  most  stirring-  songs  of  the  time  will  then  be  given,  led 
bj    .Mr.  Colburn  and  chorus: 

"  The  Drum-tap  Rattles  Through  the  Land.' 
"the  audience  being  invited  to  join  in  the  chorus.  Henry  Morford,  Esq..  will  then  read  his 
patriotic  poem,  entitled.  'Tammany  and  the  Union.'  written  for  the  occasion.  Then  we 
shall  have  a  patriotic  hymn,  written  by  Grand  Sachem  Waterbury,  entitled.  'Forever,' 
sung  by  Colburn  and  his  choristers.  The  Oration  of  the  Day  will  be  given  by  the  Hon. 
Charles  P.  Daly. 

"The  ceremonies  to  conclude  with  the  singing  of  'The  Star  Spangled  Banner.'  The 
audience  will  rise  and  join  in  singing  the  chorus." 

One  would  think  that  this  was  a  pretty  full  programme  for  a  hot  July  day, 
but  for  some  hundreds  at  least  that  was  not  the  end  of  the  festival.  A  few  modest 
lines  at  the  foot  of  the  programme  read  thus:  "The  Banquet  Room  will  then  be 
thrown  open  where  the  Waters  of  the  Great  Spring  will  flow  profusely,  and 
where  distinguished  brethren  will  respond  to  appropriate  sentiments,  and  patriotic 
songs  will  be  given  by  an  efficient  glee  club. 

The  Committee  of  Arrangements  on  this  notable  occasion  was  as  follows: 

Sachems  John  A.  Dix,  Elijah  Purdy.  Richard  B.  Connolly,  P.  B.  Sweeney,  J. 
Kelly,  Isaac  Bell,  James  B.  Nicholson,  Daniel  E.  Delevan.  Thomas  Dunlap, 
Edward  Cooper.  Douglas  Taylor,  C.  C.  Childs.  J.  E.  Devlin. 

Treasurer,  George  E.  Baldwin:  Sagamore,  0.  S.  Messerve;  Scribe,  Richard 
Winnie;  Wiskinkie,  S.  C.  Duryea;  Father  of  the  Council,  Henry  Vandewater. 

We  give  below  the  names  of  the  Committee  of  Members  of  the  Society,  less 
for  its  intrinsic  interest  than  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  those  who  still  remember 
the  men  of  that  period,  to  judge  whether  or  not  they  compare  favorably  with  the 
average  composition  of  such  committees  made  up  by  other  political  parties.  Cer- 
tainly it  would  be  difficult  to  find  better  or  more  patriotic  men  than  the  great 


78 


majority  of  those  to  be  found  in  this  list  of  officers  and  members  of  the  Tammany- 
organization  of  1862,  or  who,  at  least  up  to  that  period,  stood  on  a  level  or  above 
the  representatives  of  other  political  parties: 

General  Committee  of  the  Tammany  Society  for  1862. 


Daniel  F.  Tieman, 
Emanuel  B.  Hart, 
Andrew  V.  Stout, 
M.  T.  Brennan, 
Smith  Ely,  Jr., 
Anthony  L.  Robertson, 
James  Murphy, 
James  Lynch, 
C.  Godfrey  Gunther, 
Andre  Froment, 
L.  F.  Harrison, 
Andrew  H.  Green, 
Thomas  B.  Tappan, 
George  G.  Barnard, 
John  Y.  Savage,  Jr., 
Charles  J.  Chipp, 
John   T.   Hoffman, 
John  M.  Barbour, 
Thomas  C.  Fields, 
William   Miner, 
Henry  Hilton, 


Henry  L.  Clinton, 
Wm.  M.  Tweed. 
'John  T.  Henry, 
John  S.  Giles, 
Samuel  J.  Tilden, 
Josiah  W.  Brown, 
Wm.  H.  Leonard, 
Wm.  J.  Peck, 
Thomas  Byrnes, 
John  H.  McCun.o, 
Albert  Cardoza, 
Michael  Connolly, 
John  Clancy, 
George  H.  E.  Lynch, 
Robert  C.  Mclntyre, 
Harvey  F.  Aubrey, 
John  Fitch, 
John  Eagan, 
Peter  Moneghan, 
Jefferson  Brown, 
Joseph  D.  Baldwin. 


David  A.  Fowler, 
Thomas  W.  Adams, 
Nathaniel  Jarvis,  Jr., 
Edward  Sanford, 
William  B.  Clarke, 
Moses  D.  Gale, 
Edmund  L.  Hearne, 
A.  T.  Gallager, 
William  Murphy, 
George  Smith, 
Walter  Roche, 
Aaron  B.  Rollins, 
John  R.  Briggs, 
Wilson  G.  Hunt, 
William  McMurray, 
Frederick  L.  Vultee, 
William  J.  Powers, 
Ralph  Bogart, 
George  W.  McLean, 
William  C.  Conner, 
John  Richardson, 
Augustus  Schell, 
Grand  Sachem— Nelson  J.  Waterbury,  Secretary— George  E.  Childs. 

On  this  occasion  an  unusual  amount  of  decorations  were  indulged  in,  includ- 
ing a  great  display  of  transparencies.  General  Jackson's  portrait  was  draped  with 
the  national  colors.  Washington,  Lafayette,  Jefferson,  Polk,  Clay  and  Webster 
adorned  the  walls  of  the  Wigwam.  There  were  estimated  to  be  over  two  thousand 
persons  present,  more  than  the  old  hall  could  comfortably  accommodate.  The 
Grand  Sachem's  address  was  steeped  with  patriotism.  Among  other  remarks  con- 
cerning the  spirit  of  the  Tammany  Society,  he  said:  "Tammany,  or  the  Colum- 
bian Order,  took  root  in  the  pure  soil  of  the  Revolutionary  era,  and  still  remains 
true  to  the  spirit  of  those  early  days,  devoted  now  as  then  to  our  national 
Constitution,  to  those  principles  of  civil  liberty  upon  which  our  government  is 

founded,  and  upon  which  alone  it  can  be  perpetuated There  never 

was  a  time  when  it  was  more  incumbent  upon  every  man  who  loves  liberty,  who 

values  the  freedom  of  his  country,  to  recall  these  principles We 

are  at  a  crisis  when  a  wicked  rebellion  has  raised  its  foul  head  to  overthrow  and 
destroy  the  best  government  the  world  has  ever  known."  Mr.  Waterbury  then 
referred  in  somewhat  passionate  language  to  the  unjust  treatment  of  Gen.  Geo.  B. 
McClellan,  claiming  that  he  had  been  willfully  betrayed  and  his  success  imperiled 
by  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  Secretary  of  War,  in  the  interest  of  the  Republican  party; 
"but,"  he  added,  "If  Gen.  McClellan  has  been  compelled  to  retreat  in  the  face  of  a 
force  three  to  one  against  him,  it  is  only  the  more  important,  the  more  incumbent 
upon  every  friend  of  his  country  to  rally  to  her  support,  and  to  do  whatever  he 
can  to  give  success  to  her  cause,  and  to  the  brave  men  who  are  bound  together 
upon  the  battlefield  to  maintain  it.  We  must  do  the  President  |  Lincoln]  of  the 
United  States  the  justice  to  say  that  he  has  done  well  in  overruling  the  proclama- 
tions of  Fremont  and  Hunter  [prematurely  anticipating  the  President's  action  in 
giving  freedom  to  the  slaves].     There  is  no  heart  here,  I  am  sure,  which  does  not 


79 

accept  the  following  sentiment  with  the  devotion  of  life  itself:  'l  he  Union  of  these 
States  shall  remain,  now  and  forever,  one  and  inseparable.'  "  This  sentiment  was 
received  with  loud  ami  prolonged  cheers.  We  select  one  verse  from  the  Grand 
Sachem's  patriotic  hymn,  entitled  "Forever,"  as  showing  not  only  the  -pint  uf  tin- 
author,  but  of  the  great  Tammany  meeting  which  so  enthusiastically  indorsed  it. 
The  music  was  by  the  well-known  American  composer,  George  \V.  Bristow,  and 
was  rendered  with  great  spirit  by  popular  singers  of  the  day.  We  select  the 
second  verse  as  best  expressing  the  predominant  feeling  of  the  hour: 

"God  bless  our  Union  chain, 
Each  sacred  link  retain 

Forever  and  forever. 
With  other  links  extend  it, 
Let  treason  never  rend  it. 
From  every  foe  defend   It; 

God    bless    the    Union    ever, 

Forever  and  forever." 

The  following  verses  are  from  the  song  most  popular  in  Tammany  Hall  at 
that  period: 

"the  drum-tap  kattl.es  through  the  land." 
"The  drum-tap  rattles  through  the  land. 

The  trumpet  calls  to  arms; 
A  startled  nation  stands  aghast. 

Unused  to  war's  alarms. 
Ho!  watchman  on  the  outer  wall. 

What  danger  do  you  see? 
'To  arms!     To  arms!'  the  sentry  cries, 
'To  arms!    if  you'd  be  free.' 

'To  arms!  if  you'd  be  free.'  " 

The  intervening  verses  describe  the  assault  on  Fort  Sumter,  etc.,  and  the 
uprising  of  the  people.     The  last  verse  is  solemn  in  its  earnestness: 

"God  speed  our  noble,  gallant  band, 

Of  heroes  true  and  brave; 
March  on!    march  on!    till  o'er  our  land 

The  Stars  and  Stripes  shall  wave. 
Great  God  of  battles,  bless  our  cause, 

Bring  peace  from  war's  alarms; 
Protect  and  guide  us  by  Thy  might 

Till  vict'ry  crowns  our  arms. 

Chorus— "To   arms!      To    arms!"    etc. 

The  orator  of  the  day,  Hon.  Charles  P.  Daly,  devoted  considerable  space  to 
the  claims  of  Virginia,  that  her  colonial  stork  was  superior  to  that  of  New  Eng- 
land or  New  York,  which  he  emphatically  denied.  At  the  close  of  the  oration  the 
audience  were  pleasantly  surprised  by  the  entrance  of  General  Hiram  Walbridge, 
who  was  received  with  enthusiastic  cheers.  After  a  brief  speech,  the  General 
proposed  the  following  resolutions  for  the  acceptance  of  the  meeting: 

"Whereas,  The  United  States  are  engaged  in  suppressing  a  wicked  and 
infamous  rebellion  against  the  integrity  of  the  Constitution  and  the  stability  of  the 
Union ;  and 

"Whereas,  Continued  intimations  reach  us  of  foreign  intervention,  the 
Democracy  of  the  city  and  county  of  New  York,  while  commemorating  the  anni- 
versary of  the  birth  of  our  national  existence,  unanimously  declare  their  adher- 
ence, and,  if  necessary,  the  armed  defense  of  the  principles  of  the  Monroe  Doc- 
trine, and  resolve  accordingly." 

The  third  resolution  reads  as  follows: 

"Resolved,  That  actual  interference  by  any  foreign  power  will  sow  the  north- 
ern section  of  the  hemisphere  with  the  fabled  dragon's  teeth,  and  will  bring  forth 
its  full  crop  of  armed  men  to  resist  them." 


So 

These  resolutions  were  unanimously  adopted. 

The  General  then  proceeded  to  say:  "One  year  ago  I  stood  here  and  read 
to  you  the  President's  call  for  six  hundred  thousand  men.  A  year  has  transpired 
and  Tammany  has  been  vindicated.*  But  there  is  no  sacrifice  too  great,  none 
which  we  should  not  most  cheerfully  make  in  order  to  help  the  Government  at 
this  moment.  We  want  more  troops,  more  money ;  and  we  must  all  be  ready  for 
every  sacrifice,  and  above  all  to  effectively  resent  all  foreign  interference." 

In  the  banquet-room,  Mr.  August  Belmont  responded  to  a  toast  regretting 
the  war,  and  hoping  for  speedy  peace.  Judge  Hilton  responded  to  the  toast, 
"George  Washington,  may  his  name,  with  that  of  Jefferson  and  Jackson,  ever  be 
talismanic  within  this  hall."  In  responding  to  the  toast  "Thomas  Jefferson," 
Gen.  Walbridge  reverted  to  the  theme  he  had  broached  in  the  Wigwam;  he  said: 
"If  intervention  must  come,  let  it  come.  Relying  upon  our  own  strong  arms,  we 
will  implore  the  God  of  battles  to  smile  upon  us,  as  upon  our  fathers  in  the  dark 
days  of  the  Revolution;  and  we  will  enter  upon  the  contest,  determined  that  here 
Liberty  shall  build  her  last  entrenchment,  and  that  we  shall  fight  until  we  spill 
the  last  drop  of  our  blood,  in  maintaining  and  preserving  free  representative, 
constitutional  government,  from  the  grasping  avarice  or  ambition  of  any  foreign 
invaders." 

The  Grand  Sachem  then  gave  the  toast,  "The  Union,  the  glorious  arch  that 
spans  our  national  horizon,  may  no  Pleiad  ever  be  lost  from  its  constellation." 
To  this  Henry  L.  Clinton  responded:  "The  Union,"  he  said,  "must  and  shall  bo 
preserved,"  pointing  at  the  same  time  to  the  portrait  of  President  Jackson,  the 
original  framer  of  the  phrase.  The  reference  to  Jackson  as  the  author  of  this 
apropos  sentiment  was  received  with  great  enthusiasm.  After  the  prolonged 
cheering  had  subsided.  Mr.  Clinton  resumed.  "It  is,"  he  said,  "no  small  consola- 
tion, for  every  fair  and  consistent  Democrat,  to  reflect  that  the  Democratic  party 
had  done  all  in  its  power  to  avert  the  dreadful  catastrophe;  but  now,  the  energetic 
prosecution  of  the  war  was  an  imperative  duty." 

To  the  toast,  "The  Constitution,"  R.  B.  Connolly  spoke;  and  to  "Our 
Nationality,"  Hon.  Charles  P.  Daly.  To  the  sentiment,  "Abraham  Lincoln,"  the 
Grand  Sachem,  Elijah  F.  Purdy  (whose  well-known  sobriquet  was  the  "old  War- 
horse  of  the  Democracy")  responded.  He  said  he  was  so  unused  to  speaking  in 
praise  of  any  one  not  a  Democrat  that  he  felt  strange  at  the  toast  awarded  him; 
and  he  added,  "I  am  at  a  loss  to  express  what  is  really  due  to  the  Chief  Magis- 
trate, who  is  always  to  be  respected,  but  I  can  assure  President  Lincoln,  that  as 
long  as  he  conducts  this  war  for  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion  and  the 
supremacy  of  the  law,  to  restore  the  Union,  and  maintain  the  Constitution,  he 
will  always  find  a  hearty  response  and  cordial  support  from  Democrats,  and  par- 
ticularly from  those  of  Tammany  Hall." 

Other  toasts  followed:  to  Gen.  George  B.  McClellan.  to  the  Navy,  to  the 
State,  the  City,  the  Press,  to  Our  Countrywomen,  all  of  which  were  ably  responded 
to,  but  we  have  aimed  only  to  give  sufficient  of  the  remarks  made,  to  indicate  the 
spirit  animating  the  gathering  of  "the  braves,"  and  need  not  follow  the  proceed- 
ings farther.  It  was  a  great  and  enthusiastic  patriotic  meeting,  long  remembered 
by  those  who  had  the  good  fortune  to  be  present. 


•  Referring  to  the  regiment  raised  by  the  Tammany  Society. 


COLONEL    WILLIAM    D.    KENNEDY 


(II  \ITKK     X.WIII. 

THE  TAMMANY   JACKSON   GUARD;"  OR,  FORTY-SECOND  VOLUN- 
TEER REGIMENT  OF  THE  STATE  OF  NEW  YORK. 

S  SOON'  as  the  news  of  the  attack  upon  Fori  Sumter  reached 

New  York  City,  Tammany  Hall  took  immediate  anion  in 
placing  itself  on  the  side  of  the  I  nionj  and,  at  its  own  expense, 
recruited,  equipped  and  sent  to  the  front  a  full  regiment,  the 
Forty-second,  whose  record  on  many  a  bloody  field  is  unsur- 
passed by  any  other  that  fought  under  the  Stars  and  Stripes 
to  the  end  of  the  war. 

Its  first  Colonel  was  the  Grand  Sachem  of  the  Tammany  Society  at  the  time 
he  received  his  commission  as  commander  of  the  regiment.  During  the  war,  over 
seven  thousand  men  fought  for  the  Union  under  Tammany's  regimental  banner, 
and  of  these  thousands  less  than  five  hundred  returned  home.  <  )f  the  original 
twelve  hundred,  forming  the  first  regiment  sent  into  the  field,  only  two  hundred 
and  fifty  returned.  Colonel  Kennedy,  like  Vosburg  and  Ellsworth,  did  not 
live  to  command  the  regiment  in  battle,  for  he  died  of  an  illness  brought  on  by 
over-exertion  in  behalf  of  his  charge,  in  July  of  1861.  By  the  middle  of  June  the 
Tammany  regiment  had  enlisted  one  thousand  one  hundred  men,  but.  when  just 
ready  to  start,  word  was  received  from  Washington  "that  they  had  men  enough," 
but  it  was  suggested  that  the  regiment  be  held  together  until  further  notice.  This 
was  the,  illusive  period  of  the  inexperienced  statesman  rule,  when  Secretary 
Seward  thought  the  war  would  be  ended  in  "sixty  days."  The  Tammany  regi- 
ment, to  the  great  disappointment  of  officers  and  men,  was  temporarily  quartered 
at  Great  Neck,  Long  Island,  where  they  were  supplied  with  arms,  and  received 
drill  instruction,  for  which  purpose  an  officer  was  detailed  from  West  Point.  The 
importance  of  accurate  instruction  in  the  use  of  arms  and  other  military  tactics 
was  not  at  first  so  thoroughly  appreciated  as  later  on  in  the  struggle. 

Before  leaving  Long  Island  for  Washington,  the  regiment  was  presented  with 
the  national  colors;  a  regimental  standard  with  State  arms,  and  a  guidon  bearing 
the  arms  of  the  Tammany  Society. 

The  presentation  was  made  by  Grand  Sachem  Elijah  F.  Purdy,  who  was  at 
this  time  chairman  of  the  General  Committee  of  Tammany  Hall,  on  behalf  of  a 
Joint  Committee  appointed  to  this  duty  by  the  Society.  The  flags  were  received 
on  the  part  of  the  regiment  by  Colonel  Kennedy,  who  briefly  and  appropriately 
responded,  expressing  hearty  thanks  of  himself,  his  officers  and  men.  An  elegant 
pistol  was  presented  to  the  gallant  Colonel  by  George  W.  Roome,  and  a  splendid 
sword  and  sash  by  John  Clancy.  These  were  the  gifts  of  personal  friends.  The 
Colonel  then  led  the  delegates  through  the  open  ranks  of  the  regiment,  which  was 
pronounced  to  be  equal  to  the  best  yet  organized  at  the  North;  and  the  state- 
ment was  freely  made  that  there  were  very  few  which  showed  such  excellent 
material  in  physical  appearance.  , 

One  of  the  saddest  losses,  early  in  the  history  of  this  regiment,  was  the  pre- 
mature death  of  their  Colonel,  William  D.  Kennedy,  who  had  been  one  of  the 


82 

most  enthusiastic  advocates  for  raising  the  regiment.  When  the  proposition  to 
do  so  was  first  made  in  a  meeting  at  Tammany  Hall,  the  query  was  put,  "If  we 
raise  a  regiment,  who  will  command  it?"  "I  will,"  answered  the  Grand  Sachem, 
"if  a  better  commander  does  not  offer."  And  from  that  moment  all  his  thoughts, 
time  and  energy  were  directed  to  this  object,  and  success  came  rapidly  as  to  the 
enlistment  of  recruits;  then  came  the  delay  at  Great  Neck;  the  care  of  hundreds 
of  men  in  camp,  only  a  few  miles  from  the  city;  the  ambition  to  turn  out  well- 
drilled  men;  the  constant  desire,  thrown  back,  to  start  to  the  front.  Colonel 
Kennedy  knew  no  rest,  but  the  unwonted  physical  exertion,  and  of  such  a  novel 
nature,  was  paid  for  by  a  fatal  penalty. 

The  regiment  reached  Washington  on  the  third  Saturday  of  July,  1861. 
Colonel  Kennedy,  though  very  unwell,  persisted  in  keeping  at  the  head  of  his 
men  when  marching  through  the  hot  streets  of  Washington  to  the  camp-ground 
assigned  to  them.  Eventually  compelled  to  retire  for  rest,  he  never  rallied,  but 
passed  away,  without  having  been  allowed  the  satisfaction  of  a  single  encounter 
with  the  enemy.* 

On  receiving  the  news  of  their  loss,  a  special  meeting  of  the  General  Com- 
mittee was  held  at  their  room  in  Tammany  Hall,  on  the  24th  of  July,  1861,  where 
resolutions  of  regret  for  their  own  loss  and  condolence  with  his  family  were 
passed,  not  in  a  merely  perfunctory  style,  but,  as  those  who  were  present  will 
remember,  with  a  sorrowful  tenderness  of  sympathy  and  sincere  regret  which  it 
would  be  difficult  to  find  exceeded  on  any  similar  occasion.  Not  content  with 
verbal  expressions  only,  the  committee  issued  a  memorial  pamphlet,  recording 
Colonel  Kennedy's  service  in  raising  the  Forty-second  Regiment,  and  his  virtues 
as  a  man  and  a  citizen,  as  well  as  a  high  officer  of  the  Tammany  Society.  This 
printed  memorial  is  signed: 

Elijah  F.  Pukdv,  Chairman. 

John  Hardy  and  A.  B.  Rollins,  Secretaries. 

This  Forty-second  Regiment  was  by  no  means  the  only  one  raised  by  Demo- 
crats, who  either  were,  had  been,  or  became  Tammany  men.  Fernando  Wood 
raised  another,  of  which  John  S.  Cocks  was  Colonel,  though  at  this  particular 
time  Mr.  Wood  was  the  leader  of  the  Mozart  faction — truants  from  Tammany. 
Then  there  was  the  Sickles  Brigade,  filled  with  Tammany  men ;  in  fact,  it  was 
hard  to  find  a  regiment  raised  in  the  City  of  New  York  during  the  war  in  which 
there  were  not  many — especially  was  this  true  of  the  brigade  raised  by  General 
Francis  B.  Spinola. 

Among  other  Tammany  men  active  in  promoting  recruiting  may  be  named 
John  Clancy,  editor  of  the  Leader,  Judge  Moses  D.  Gale,  Colonel  Thomas  Dun- 
lap,  Colonel  Delevan,  Mr.  Peter  Bowc,  Douglas  Taylor,  Alderman  Charles  E. 
Loew,  Nelson  J.  Waterbury,  Isaac  Bell,  Casper  C.  Childs,  C.  L.  Monel,  John 
Houghtaling  and  others. 

It  was  at  the  battle  of  Ball's  Bluff,  in  which  the  Tammany  Regiment  was 
engaged,  when  General  Baker  fell,  that  Colonel  Cogswell  ordered  liis  brigade  to 
cut  their  way  through  to  Edward's  Ferry.      In  this  brigade  was  a  Tammany  com- 


*  The  "Kennedy  Post,"  ('..  A.  K.,  named  in  his  honor,  still  keeps  alive  his  revered, 
memory  In  the  City  of  New  York. 


83 

pany,  headed  bj  Captain  ["imothy  O'Meara  tn  the  commencement  oi  the 
engagement  O'Meura  had  placed  by  the  side  of  the  Stars  and  Stripes  the  green 
Sag  of  liis  native  isle.  The  twin  emblems  seemed  to  inspire  the  men  of  tliis  par- 
ticular company  with  redoubled  energy  and  intrepidity,  and  they  charged  upon 
the  enemy  with  terrible  effect:  nor  did  they  give  way  till  all  hopes  were  dead. 
Colonel  Cogswell  and  Captain  I  >'Mcara  were  captured,  and  shared  all  the  horrors 
of  rebel  captivity 

At  the  battle  of  Antietam  the  Tanimam  Regiment  losl  one  hundred  and 
eighty  killed,  wounded  and  missing,  out  of  tun  hundred  and  eighty  who  went 
into  the  battle.  The  regiment  had  to  he  refilled  several  times  by  new  enlistments. 
In  fact.  Tammany  llall  kept  up  a  permanent  recruiting  station  while  the  war 
lasted. 

At  Gettysburg  Lieutenant  Colonel  William  A.  Lynch,  a  Tammany  soldier, 
seeing  his  color-sergeant  shot  down,  and  the  men  wavering  under  a  terrible  fire, 
sprang  from  his  horse,  tore  the  standard  from  the  hands  of  the  dying  sergeant, 
and,  bearing  it  to  the  head  of  his  command,  restored  the  temporarily  flagging 
hopes  of  his  regiment.  This  brave  man  was  in  many  battles,  but  survived  the 
war.  The  Forty-second,  or  Tammany  Regiment,  was  mustered  into  the  service 
of  the  United  States  June  22-28,  1861,  and  was  mustered  out  on  the  13th  of 
July,  1864.  Those  who  chose  to  remain  in  the  military  service,  with  all  the  new 
recruits  were  transferred  to  the  Eighty-second  N.  Y.  Volunteers. 

The  official  record  of  the  service  of  the  Tammany  Regiment  in  the  archives 
of  the  Adjutant-General's  office  at  Albany  is  the  most  honorable.  The  Tammany 
Jackson  Guards  were  in  the  thick  of  the  fight  at  the  battles  of  Ball's  Bluff,  York- 
town,  West  Point,  Ya..  (ilendale,  Malvern  Hill,  Antietam,  Fredericksburg, 
Gettysburg,  etc.  After  the  battle  of  Gettysburg,  on  the  second  day  of  the  fight, 
the  entire  weight  of  the  rebel  army  was  thrown  against  the  Second  Corps — Gen- 
eral Hancock's — in  which  was  the  Tammany  Regiment.  In  Townsend's  valuable 
work  entitled,  "The  Honors  of  the  Empire  State  in  the  War  of  the  Rebellion," 
he  thus  describes  the  scene:  "This  devoted  corps  [Hancock's]  bore  the  brunt  of 
the  onslaught  and  merits  the  honor  of  the  victory.  Pickett's  splendid  division 
of  Longstreet's  Confederate  Corps  came  on  in  front  with  the  best  of  Hill's 
veterans  supporting  them.  When  they  were  at  blank-point  range,  came  the  order 
for  our  troops  to  fire;  then  from  eighteen  thousand  guns  issued  a  sheet  of  smoky 
flame — a  crush  of  leaden  death.  The  first  of  the  Confederate  lines  literally 
melted  away,  but  the  second  came  resolutely  on.  Pickett's  division  now  thrust 
itself  up  to  the  Union  line,  and  the  full  strength  of  this  attack  fell  upon  the  New 
York  City  brigade,  which  included  the  Tammany  troops."  "The  movement," 
says  the  historian  Swinton,  "was  certainly  as  critical  as  can  well  be  conceived,  but 
the  coolness  and  bravery  of  both  officers  and  men  caused  the  repulse  and  route  of 
the  assailants:  and  with  that  repulse  perished  the  last  hope  of  Confederate  vic- 
tory." and  in  the  grand  result  the  Tammany  Jackson  Guards  had  its  full  share  of 
glory — and  of  loss. 

We  give  here  a  few  of  the  names  of  men  of  the  Forty-second  which  have 
received  "honorable  mention"  or  other  official  honors  for  heroic  conduct  under 
fire: 

Lieut.  Thomas  Abbott  was  honorably  mentioned  in  Lieut. -Col.  Mooney's 
report  of  the  battle  of  Ball's  Bluff,  also  Major  Peter  Bowe  in  the  same  report. 


Col.  Milton  Cogswell  was  presented  with  a  sword  by  the  Common  Council 
of  the  City  of  New  York,  on  the  scabbard  of  which  was  inscribed  these  words, 
which  the  recipient  had  used  at  the  battle  of  Ball's  Bluff,  suiting  the  action  to  the 
words:  "Men,  we'll  cut  our  way  through  to  Edward's  Ferry."  Colonel  Henry 
Harrington  was  also  honorably  mentioned  for  brave  conduct  at  Ball's  Bluff. 

Col.  Edward  C.  Charles  was  one  of  the  noted  heroes  of  White  Oak  Swamp, 
where  he  was  badly  wounded  and  taken  prisoner. 

Private  D.  H.  Morgan  is  commended  in  the  official  report  as  having  volun- 
teered to  advance  with  the  head  of  the  column,  and  cut  down  the  palisading,  at 
the  time  of  the  assault  on  Fort  Fisher.  These  are  but  a  few  specimens  among 
hundreds  of  others  showing  the  kind  of  material  that  did  all  their  duty,  and 
more,  at  the  seat  of  war,  furnished  by  the  much-vilified  Tammany  Hall.  Let  us 
say  of  them  in  the  words  of  the  Rev.  Henry  W.  Bellows: 

"Rest  patriots,  rest 
Rest  within  the  bosom  of  that  earth 
Thou  didst  so  much  to  make 
A  more  worthy  residence  for  thy  fellow  men." 


85 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

THE  SOLDIER  POET  OF  THE  WAR. 

HARM'S  GRAHAM  HALPINE  was  among  the  ardent 
lovers  <>f  liberty  who  naturally  gravitated  towards  Tammany 
Hall,  and  who  made  a  record  for  himself  in  aiding  to  preserve 
the  union  of  these  States,  though  not  a  native  of  the  soil.  lie 
came  to  this  country  in  1852,  and  after  some  experience  in 
Boston  and  elsewhere,  settled  in  New  York,  and  became 
known  before  the  war  as  an  able  journalist,  a  gifted  poet,  a  genial  member  of 
society,  and  he  only  awaited  the  opportunity  to  prove  himself  a  brave  and 
accomplished  soldier.  Early  in  his  New  York  career  he  was  attached  to  the 
editorial  staff  of  the  Times  newspaper,  for  which  he  wrote  the  famous  "Nicaragua 
Letters"  during  the  Walker  filibustering  expedition.  The  Times  was  then  under 
the  editorial  control  of  the  late  Henry  J.  Raymond.  Later  Mr.  Halpine  became 
part  proprietor  and  editor  of  the  New  York  Leader.  I  lis  associate  in  this  venture 
was  the  well-known  John  Clancy.  When  Mr.  Halpine  took  hold  of  this  paper  it 
had  but  a  meagre  circulation,  which  might  be  counted  by  hundreds  only,  but 
under  the  attraction  of  the  new  editor's  forcible  papers  and  the  improved  make-up 
of  reading  matter,  the  circulation  rapidly  increased,  until  it  reached  1 1,000.  Its 
influence  was  marked,  and  for  a  while  it  seemed  destined  to  become  the  most 
popular  paper  in  the  city.  But  Mr.  Halpine  withdrew  from  the  concern  and  the 
charm  seemed  to  go  with  him.  Subsequently  this  man  of  versatile  talents  was 
connected  with  the  Herald,  and  also  contributed  to  magazines  and  other  periodi- 
cals, apparently  possessing  the  capacity  to  turn  off  unlimited  quantities  of  any 
sort  of  literary  matter,  prose  or  poetry,  just  as  the  occasion  demanded.  He  was 
thoroughly  Democratic  in  his  principles,  though  his  writings  were  not  limited  to 
publications  of  that  party. 

When  the  war  broke  out  Mr.  Halpine  promptly  enlisted  in  the  Sixty-ninth 
New  York  Infantry,  abandoning,  without  hesitation,  all  his  literary  engagements, 
and  the  fairest  prospects  of  success,  to  fight  for  the  preservation  of  his  adopted 
country.  His  unusual  mental  mobility  enabled  him  to  grasp  military  ideas  with 
ease,  and  to  so  thoroughly  adapt  himself  to  the  novel  circumstances  in  which 
he  found  himself  placed  that  he  was  almost  immediately  promoted  to  a  position 
on  the  staff  of  General  Hunter  as  Assistant  Adjutant-General  with  the  rank  of 
Major.  He  accompanied  General  Hunter  to  Missouri  on  his  expedition  to  relieve 
Fremont,  performing  very  onerous  and  responsible  duties  on  the  occasion. 
Later  he  was  transferred  to  the  division  of  Major-General  Halleck,  with  whom 
his  duties  were  by  no  means  lightened.  Mr.  Halpine  was  one  of  the  few  civilians 
whom  the  West  Point  men  admitted  to  be  an  able  executive  officer. 

It  was  while  he  was  stationed  at  Hilton  Head  that  he  assumed  the  name  of 
"Miles  O'Reilly,"  thus  personating  the  name  of  a  fictitious  private  of  the  Forty- 
seventh  New  York  Volunteers.  Many  of  his  effusions  under  this  nom  de  phone 
were  very  amusing,  with  a  strong  shade  of  sarcasm  interwoven:    but  the  best  of 


86 

r 
all,  considered  as  a  literary  product,  was  a  poem  of  considerable  length  on  the 
proposition  to  raise  a  monument  to  the  "Irish  Legion,"  so  many  of  whom  lost 
their  lives  in  the  Union  cause.  The  entire  poem  is  too  long  for  insertion  here. 
but  we  give  one  noble  verse,  sufficient  to  show  the  style  and  spirit.  Speaking  of 
them  as  aliens  by  birth,  received,  as  all  foreigners  at  that  date  were,  with  cordial 
hospitality,  he  says: 

"Welcomed   they   were   with   generous   hand. 

And  to  that  welcome  nobly  true. 
When  war's  dread  tocsin  filled  the  land. 
With  sinewy  arm  and  swinging  brand, 

These  exiles  to  the  rescue  flew; 
Their  fealty  to  the  flag  they  gave. 

And  for  the  Union,  daring  death, 
Foremost  among  the  foremost  brave, 
They  welcomed  victory  and  the  grave, 

In  the  same  sigh  of  parting  breath." 

Although  Mr.  Halpine's  military  services  were  so  fully  recognized  by  both 
General  Hunter  and  General  Halleck,  the  Secretary  of  War  persistently  ignored 
his  merits  and  his  just  claims  to  promotion,  leaving  him,  when  peace  was  pro- 
claimed, with  the  simple  rank  of  Major.  Was  it  because  he  was  a  Tammany  man.'* 
No  other  cause  was  ever  assigned.  Certainly  he  had  been  actively  influential  on 
the  General  Committee  of  that  old  Democratic  society;  but  surely  Tammany  had 
done  its  duty,  and  its  full  share,  even  more  than  its  share,  in  sustaining  the  Union 
forces  in  the  field.     And  Major  Halpine  himself  was  one  proof  of  it. 

For  a  short  period  after  his  return  to  New  York  he  acted  as  a  member  of 
Gen.  Dix's  staff,  assisting  that  Commander  in  arresting  a  horde  of  bounty 
swindlers,  who  had  infested  New  York  during  the  latter  period  of  the  war.  This 
was  his  last  military  service.  He  quietly  resumed  his  literary  occupations,  and 
political  affiliations.  But  he  did  not  find  all  of  these  working  to  his  satisfaction. 
One  of  the  parties  whom  he  immediately  antagonized  was  Fernado  Wood,  a  man 
who  had  in  many  respects  failed  to  keep  the  confidence  once  reposed  in  him  by 
a  large  and  effective  following.  The  "Citizens'  Association"  then  existing  for 
the  especial  purpose  of  securing  some  municipal  reforms,  was  fortunate  in  secur- 
ing Major  Halpine  as  editor  of  their  paper,  which  they  called  The  Citizen.  Of 
this  sheet  he  shortly  after  became  sole  proprietor,  and  through  its  influence 
mainly  was  built  up  the  organization  known  for  a  limited  time  as  the  Democratic 
Union.  This  paper  he  edited  until  his  death,  which  occurred  in  August,  1868. 
Honest  in  every  fibre  of  his  being,  with  talents  so  varied  that  he  had  scarcely  a 
peer  among  his  professional  contemporaries,  he  was  personally  a  man  universally 
liked.  Tt  was  with  deep  sorrow  that  thousands  of  his  fellow  citizens  bade  a  final 
adieu  to  the  patriot,  poet,  and  brave  soldier,  on  that  oppressive  summer  day. 


COLONEL,  THOMAS   DL'NLAP. 


87 


CHAPTER  KXX. 

FERNANDO    WOOD. 

\"  I  >l  VIDUALS  of  strong  character  have  always  had  consider- 
ahle  influence  in,  or  on,  Tammany  Hall,  when  their  talents 
were  exerted  in  aid  or  in  opposition  to  that  Society.  Among 
many  eminently  picturesque  figures  who  have  at  times  been 
supported  by  and  affiliated  with  Tammany,  and  again  have 
violently  opposed  that  association,  there  has  been  no  more 
striking  figure  than  that  of  Fernando  Wood,  three  times  elected  Mayor  of  New 
York,  and  the  leader  of  the  Mozart  1  [all  faction,  one  of  the  strongest  associations 
ever  made  up  of  disaffected  Tanunam  ites. 

Mayor  Wood  is  probably  best  remembered  in  New  York  for  the  curious 
position  which  he  assumed  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War.  He  came  to  this 
city  from  Philadelphia  in  1820,  and,  though  in  mercantile  business,  soon  began  to 
interest  himself  in  politics.  .  In  1839  he  was  Chairman  of  a  young  men's  political 
organization,  and  in  1840  was  elected  to  Congress,  on  the  Democratic  ticket, 
serving  until  1843,  when  he  was  nominated  for  Mayor  of  New  York  by  his 
friends,  who  thought  him  the  strongest  man  to  overcome  the  combined  forces  of 
Whigs  and  Know-Nothings.  He  was,  however,  defeated  by  them.  Nominated 
again  for  that  office,  in  1845,  he  was  elected,  and  immediately  commenced  to 
bring  order  out  of  the  demoralized  condition  of  the  city  government,  which  had 
been  for  some  time  in  incompetent  hands,  and  lacked  system.  He  vastly  im- 
proved the  methods,  and  devised  many  improvements  in  municipal  management. 
His  efforts  were  very  generally  appreciated,  so  that  he  was  re-elected,  in  [856,  by 
the  combination  of  the  "better  element"  of  both  Whigs  and  Democrats.  He  was 
too  able  a  man  to  be  used  by  the  corrupt  conspirators  then  in  their  incipiency,  he 
could  not  be  made  a  tool  of,  and  was  shrewd  enough  to  suspect  them,  but  had  not 
'the  means  to  effectually  oppose  them;  he  was  in  a  measure  forced  out  of  the 
Wigwam,  where  he  had  been  a  leading  spirit,  and  organized  what  was  afterwards 
known  as  the  "Mozart  Hall  wing"  of  the  Democracy.  Two  years  later  Tam- 
many and  Mozart  Hall,  together,  controlled  five-sevenths  of  all  the  votes  cast  in 
the  city. 

The  most  exciting  episode  in  Mayor  Wood's  public  career  occurred  in  1857. 
During  the  winter  session  of  the  Legislature,  at  Albany,  of  1856-57.  a  bill  was 
passed  depriving  the  Mayor  of  the  City  of  Xew  York  of  all  control  over  the 
Police  Department — the  alleged  cause  being  that  Mr.  Wood  had  used  that  body 
for  partisan  political  service.  Acting  upon  the  advice  of  the  Corporation  Counsel 
and  of  Charles  O'Connor,  the  Mayor  determined  to  resist  the  imposition  of  the 
Metropolitan  Police  upon  the  City  of  Xew  York,  by  what  he  deemed  the  usurped 
authority  of  the  Legislature.  The  Mayor  of  the  city,  for  two  hundred  years,  had 
exercised  the  prerogative  of  control  over  the  Department  of  Police,  and  Mr. 
Wood  and  his  advisers  believed  the  bill  which  took  away  this  function  was  uncon- 
stitutional (which  lawyers  still  believe).     At  this  time  the  Chief  of  Police  in  New 


88 

York  was  the  somewhat  renowned  George  W.  Matsell,  an  extremely  efficient 
officer,  as  well  as  an  active  Democratic  politician.  He  had  organized  the  existing 
force  of  police  and  had  got  them  in  fine  working  order,  and  was  naturally 
incensed  at  the  interference  of  the  Albany  politicians.  He  valiantly  came  to  the 
support  of  the  Mayor,  in  defiance  of  the  Metropolitan  intruders.  Wood  and 
Matsell,  with  their  voluntary  followers,  entrenched  themselves  in  the  City  Hall. 
Here  they  were  besieged  by  the  newly  appointed  Metropolitan  Police  Force,  who 
attacked  the  City  Hall  on  the  16th  of  June,  but  were  ignominously  repulsed. 

The  affair  began  to  look  serious,  and  a  riot  would  almost  inevitably  have 
followed  had  not  the  military  authorities  ordered  out  the  militia,  who  threatened 
to  arrest  Mayor  Wood,  on  behalf  of  the  State.  A  parley  and  armistice  followed, 
both  parties  agreeing  to  abide  the  decision  of  the  Court  of  Appeals  as  to  the  con- 
stitutionality of  the  Act  establishing  the  Metropolitan  Police.  On  appeal,  a 
majority  of  the  Court  decided  against  the  Mayor.  At  the  next  election  for 
Mayor,  Wood  was  defeated,  but  he  soon  regained  his  popularity.  He  was  again 
chosen  to' that  office  in  1859  and  in  1861. 

In  this  eventful  period  Mayor  Wood  took  an  extraordinary  attitude.  He 
proposed  that  New  York  City  and  suburbs  should  secede,  not  from  the  Union, 
not  to  join  the  Confederacy,  but  to  create  a  new  political  division.  1  lis  idea  was 
'  to  unite  the  city  with  Long  Island  and  Staten  Island — neither  of  which  had  shown 
any  inclination  in  that  direction — and  that  these  geographical  units  should 
coalesce,  under  the  name  of  Tri-Insular,  and  proclaim  themselves  an  independent 
State,  thus  dividing  this  section  of  New  York  from  the  old  State.  His  action  was 
untimely. 

The  Tammany  Society,  which  was  always  loyal  to  the  Union,  repelled  this 
idea  with  scorn,  and  at  the  first  opportunity  threw  Wood  over,  electing  John  T. 
Hoffman  the  next  Mayor  of  the  city.  This  wild  dream  of  Wood's  brought  him 
into  great  disfavor  at  that  time,  so  critical  for  the  Union.  He  went  abroad  for  a 
year,  when  this  freak  seemed  to  have  been  forgotten,  and,  on  his  return,  he  was 
elected  to  Congress,  where  he  remained  from  1863  to  1865,  and  was  again  chosen 
in  1867.  The  Mozart  faction  finally  joined  "the  M'Keon  Democrats,"  or  most 
of  them  did  so,  some  going  over  to  the  "People's  Party,"  others  into  "Citizen's 
Committees,"  etc.,  making  different  combinations,  such,  for  instance,  as  elected 
Godfrey  C.  Gunther  Mayor.  After  two  defeats  from  rival  Democratic  factions, 
Tammany  once  more  rallied  and  regained  its  old  supremacy.  Mr.  Wood  was 
very  anxious  for  what  he  called  vindication,  and  published  a  card  in  the  papers 
to  the  effect  that  his  desires  for  re-election  to  Congress  was  solely  for  the  purpose 
of  a  public  refutation  of  the  calumnies  heaped  upon  him  by  his  enemies.  There- 
upon, in  response,  appeared  the  following  from  the  pen  of  one  of  the  ready 
poetasters  of  the  day: 

"The     royal    prince     who    reigns    in    hell 

Has  been  maligned  In  various  matters, 
And  now  would  have  the  people  tell 

How  silly  they   regard   such  clatters. 

"He  asks  your  votes;    'tis  not  for  pelf, 

But  to  rebuke  all  saints  and  sages, 
Who  say  th*>  archangels  and  himself 

Have  itot  been  crJT.ies  through  all  ages." 


8o 


On  Madison  Square,  in  Now  York,  there  stands  a  monument  to  General 
Worth,  of  the  United  States  Army.  It  was  erected  under  the  Mayoralty  of 
Fernando  Wood,  and,  therefore,  very  properly,  his  name  was  inscribed  on  one 
side  of  it.  When  Mayor  Wood  fell  into  disfavor,  a  subsequent  Common  Council 
had  the  puerile  idea  of  erasing  his  name  from  this  memorial  stone,  and  actually 
did  so,  substituting,  in  its  place,  the  rather  trite  phrase,  "Honor  the  Brave." 
Mr.  Wood  was  not  lacking  in  bravery  himself,  as  his  defiance  of  the  State  authori- 
ties proved.     Mr.  Wood  died  in  Washington  in  February,  1881. 


9o 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

^  "PEACE"   MEETING-AFTER  THE  WAR. 

HEN  peace  had  at  last  been  concluded  and  the  results  of  the  war 
had  been  to  some  extent  realized,  1865-66,  the  Tammany  peo- 
ple were,  above  all,  anxious  that  the  "dead  past  bury  its  dead." 
Though  they  missed  many  from  their  numbers  who  had  fallen 
facing  the  foe,  or  in  the  dreary  prisons  of  the  South  as 
prisoners  of  war,  there  was  no  rancor  in  their  hearts  against 
the  "erring  sister  States,"  as  the  speeches  and  resolutions  at  their  annual  cele- 
bration witnessed  in  July  of  1866.  Over  the  platform  in  the  Wigwam  was 
conspicuously  placed  the  bust  of  Washington  draped  with  the  American  flag,  and 
above  it  the  mottos: 

"One  Country— One  Constitution— One  Destiny:  17  76—1866.' 
On  one  side  was  a  panel  bearing  these  words:  "The  Tammany  Society, 
founded  in  1789;  in  its  very  foundation  identified  with  the  establishment  of  the 
Union.  Ever  faithful  to  its  obligations;  she  has  added  another  proof  of  her 
devotion,  by  sending  forth  her  sons  to  protect  and  maintain  it."  On  the  opposite 
panel  were  these  words: 

"The  Democratic  party:  upon  its  union  and  success,  depend  the  future  of 
the  Republic.  He  who  would  seek  to  lower  its  standard  of  patriotism  and  prin- 
ciples, or  to  divide  its  councils,  is  an  enemy  to  the  country." 

Around  the  hall  were  placed  busts  of  Jackson,  Clay,  Webster  and  Franklin, 
with  decorations  and  patriotic  mottos.  One  of  these  was  draped  in  mourning. 
It  contained  these  words  and  names: 

"To  the  memory  of  the  departed  braves: 
Shepard,  Froment, 

*Vosburg,  Connor, 

Purdy,  Kennedy, 

Clancy." 

An  address  on  this  memorable  occasion  was  delivered  by  the  Grand  Sachem, 
Hoffman,  who  was  at  that  time  Mayor  of  the  city.  In  the  course  of  his  remarks 
he  said:  "During  the  years  of  fearful  struggle  through  which  the  nation  has  just 
passed,  old  Tammany  was  thrown  wide  open  as  a  recruiting  place  for  a  class  of 
patriots  who  were  willing  to  imperil  their  lives,  as  well  as  to  talk  for  their  country. 
Brave  men  went  forth  from  here,  who  either  died  upon  the  battle  field  or  have 
returned  after  an  honorable  discharge,  some  whole  and  well,  others  with  shattered 
health,  or  crippled  limbs,  but  all  ready  to  renew  their  efforts,  and  to  vote  for  the 
speedy  restoration  of  that  Union  for  which  they  hazarded  their  lives. 


*  This  unique  and  beautiful  monument  to  Col.  Vosburg  is  in  Greenwood  Cemetery, 
near  the  tall  shaft  erected  to  the  memory  of  the  Volunteer  Soldiers  of  N.  T.  The  Iron 
fence  enclosing  the  lot  is  composed  of  muskets  in  reversed  position. 


oi 
"Tammany  Hall,  true  to  its  ancienl  record,  never  faltered  in  ite  devotion  to 

the  Constitution;    and,  now  that  peace  lias  rniiic,  it  demands  that  with  peace  shall 

also  come  'good  will  to  man.'"  Mr.  Hoffman  then  went  on  to  argue  that  the 
eleven  States,  having  abandoned  the  here.sy  of  secession,  should  he  allowed  im- 
mediate representation  in  Congress,  without  am  lingering  term  of  probation, 
being  kept  out  only  for  the  sake  of  radical  partisans  perpetuating  their  political 
power.    "No  one  can  doubt  the  practical  patriotism  of  this  Society,"  continued 

the  orator,  "which  has  shown  its  faith  b\  its  deeds.  Among  others  was  that 
noble  brother,  William  Kennedy,  who  went  forth  as  the  leader  of  our  Tammany 
Regiment,  and  died  its  representative.  Before  he  went  he  joined  us  in  placing 
in  front  of  the  old  Wigwam,  in  bold  letters,  Jackson's  motto:  'The  Union,  it 
must  and  shall  be  preserved.'  Then  there  was  that  whole-souled  brother  and  late 
Grand  Sachem,  Elijah  F.  Purdy,  who  died  a  few  months  before  the  close  of  the 
war,  who  did  excellent  service  in  the  same  righteous  cause,  with  others  too 
numerous  to  mention." 

At  the  close  of  this  thrilling  address,  a  long  poem,  amusing  and  satirical,  was 
read,  and  another  by  Charles  F.  (  >lney,  dedicated  to  the  Tammany  Society.  In 
fact,  the  Tammanyites  seem  never  to  have  been  lacking  either  for  orators  or 
poets.  Mr.  Richard  O'Gorman,  who  made  a  "long  talk,"  commenced  by  address- 
ing bis  audience  as  "Brothers  of  the  Eagle  Tribe."  This,  we  think,  was  a  rhetori- 
cal error.  The  Eagle  being  the  symbol  of  the  United  States,  could  not  properly  be 
adopted  by  a  fraction  only.  Undoubtedly,  the  insignia  of  the  second  tribe,  the 
Tiger,  as  expounded  by  the  great  Chief  Tammany  himself,  is  the  original 
genuine  symbol  of  the  Columbian  (  )rder,  and  has  been  so  regarded  for  over  a 
century. 

The  orator  then  raised  his  musical,  but  Cassandra-like  voice,  in  pessimistic 
threatenings  as  to  the  near  future  of  the  nation's  fate.  I  [e  said:  "I  warn  you  that 
the  Republic  is  still  in  danger.  The  worst  of  the  storm  has,  indeed,  blown  over. 
The  ship  of  State  still  rides,  a  proud  and  gallant  sight;  but  I  think  she  has 
•escaped,  more  by  Cod's  good  providence  than  by  good  steering,  the  Scylla  of 
Secession;  but  she  is  drifting,  slowly  but  surely,  into  the  Charybdis  of  Centraliza- 
tion. Can  her  course  lie  changed?  Is  there  time  still  to  put  her  head  about  and 
to  escape  the  dangers  ahead?  Have  you  ever  thought  what  centralization  really 
means?*  Look  back  ten  or  twelve  years.  Then  we  in  New  York  scarcely  felt  the 
finger  of  the  Federal  Government;  it  carried  our  letters,  collected  certain  import 
duties  to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  Government,  which  were  trifling;  for  all  other 
purposes  the  law  of  the  State  of  New  York  was  sufficient  and  supreme.  The 
finger  of  the  Federal  Government  is  now  stronger  than  the  arm  of  the  State.  We 
have  now  let  loose  on  us  a  cloud  of  assessors,  collectors  of  taxes.  Federal  officials 
of  all  sorts,  prying  into  every  man's  transactions,  questioning,  informing,  gather- 
ing up  the  fruit  of  our  industry  and  pouring  it  into  the  central  reservoirs  at  Wash- 
ington, from  which  it  flows  and  percolates  in  corrupting  stearins  from  end  to  end 
of  the  land."  With  much  more  in  the  same  line  of  thought  did  Mr.  O'Gormau 
continue  to  expound  the  views  and  feelings  of  the  extreme  pessimists,  so  unusual 
a  tone  in  Tammany  Hall.  He  also  expressed  his  own  and  the  dissatisfaction  of 
many  others  with  the  delay  in  the  readjustment  measures  in  Congress,  which 
kept  the  Southern  States  in  a  condition  of  but  semi-Union  with  the  victorious 
North.     He  argued  that  an  injury  or  injustice  to  any  one,  or  any  number  of  the 


States,  was  an  injury  to  all.  "It  can  never  be  well  with  New  York,"  he  said, 
"while  it  is  ill  with  South  Carolina  or  Tennessee."  The  sentiment  thus  plainly 
expressed  was  the  feeling  of  nearly  all  Democrats,  whether  within  or  outside  of 
Tammany  Hall.  At  the  close  of  the  meeting-,  ex-Judge  Pierrepont  offered  the 
following  resolution : 

"Resolved,  That  when  ws  entered  upon  the  late  war,  when  we  put  our  money,  our 
lives,  our  reputation  in  the  contest  to  put  down  the  rebellion,  we  did  it  for  the  sake  of 
preserving  the  Uni.m,  and  not  for  keeping  the  States  out  of  the  Union."  This  resolution 
was  adopted  unaimously. 

To  prove  that  these  sentiments  in  favor  of  prompt  reconstruction,  were 
shared  by  the  larger  minded  men  of  even  the  Republican  party,  we  give  a  few 
specimen  letters,  out  of  many  others,  showing  a  wide  and  discriminating  sympathy 
in  the  feeling  exhibited  by  Mr.  O'Gorman.  Of  course,  those  who  had  participated 
personally  in  the  war,  and  had  met  these  Southern  soldiers  face  to  face,  were  far 
more  inclined  to  conciliation  than  the  platform  patriots,  who  had  taken  excellent 
care  to  keep  out  of  harms  way. 

Letter  from  William  H.  Seward. 

July  2d.  1866. 
Executive  Mansion. 
"To  Hon.  John  T.  Hoffman,  Grand  Sachem  of  the  Tammany  Society  or  Columbian  Order- 

"Dear  Sir— I  have  the  honor  to  receive  your  invitation  to  participate  in  the  celebration 
of  the  National  Independence  on  the  approaching  4th  c-f  July.  T  am  highly  pleased  with 
the  form  of  the  invitation.  I  like  the  motto  which  is  placed  at  its  head.  'The  Union  must 
and  shall  be  preserved.'  I  like  the  vignette  which  illustrates  it.  I  like  the  associated  hues- 
with  which  it  is  colored,  namely,  the  red,  white  and  blue.  I  like  the  Temple  of  Liberty 
upon  the  rock  of  the  Constitution  and  protected  by  the  Eagle  of  the  American  continent. 
I  like  the  ships  and  the  railroads,  indicative  of  prosperity  and  progress.  I  like  the  signifi- 
cant conjunction  of  dates,  1776 — 1866,  a  period  of  ninety  years.  ...  I  have  had  some 
differences  with  Tammany  in  my  time,  but  I  long  ago  forgot  them  all,  when  I  recalled 
the  fact  that  the  Society  has  never  failed  to  observe  and  honor  the  Anniversary  of  our 
National  Independence,  and  the  further  fact  that  during  the  recent  Civil  War  the  Tam- 
many Society  sent  its  sons  to  fight  for  the  Union,  and  with  unwavering  fidelity  heartily 
supported  the  Federal  Government  in  its  struggles  with  sedition.  In  view  of  these  facts, 
I  hail  the  Tammany  Society  as  a  true  Union  League.  ...  I  believe,  with  the  Tam- 
many Society,  that  the  Union  was  created  to  be  perpetual;  that  the  States  are  equal 
under  the  Constitution,  and  that  the  restoration  of  that  Unity,  disturbed  by  the  recent 
war,  ought  to  be  acknowledged  and  recognized  by  all  the  departments  of  the  Federal 
Government;  that  a  spirit  of  magnanimity  and  fraternity  should  prevail  in  all  our 
councils,  and  that  the  South,  having  accepted  the  lessons  of  the  war  and  relinquished  the- 
heresies  of  secession,  should,  just  so  far  as  she  comes  in  the  attitude  of  loyalty  and  quali- 
fied Representatives,  be  admitted  to  her  Constitutional  Representation.  I  want,  hence- 
forth and  forever,  no  North,  no  South,  no  East,  no  West — no  divisions,  no  sections,  no 
classes,  but  one  united  and  harmonious  people. 

"What  I  have  written,  I  trust,  will  satisfy  the  Society  that  in  spirit  I  shall  always  be 
with  them  when  they  shall  be  engaged  in  renewing  and  fortifying  the  National  Union. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be 

"Tour  very  obedient  servant, 

"William  II.  Seward." 

Letter  from  General  Grant. 

"IlFADQtJRTERS    OF    THE    ARMY    OF    THE    U.    S., 

"Washington,  D.  C,  June  28,  1866. 
"To  Hon.  John  T.  Hoffman,  Mayor  of  New  York,  and  Grand    Sachem    of    the    Tammany 
Society. 

"Sip — Lieutenant-General  Grant  directs  me  to  acknowledge  receipt  of  an  invitation 
from  the  Tammany  Society  to  take  part  in  their  celebration  of  the  approaching  Anniver- 
Bary  of  American  Independence,  and  his  regret  that  a  previous  engagement  will  oblige  him 
to  decline  the  honor. 

"Adam  Bedeau, 
"Brevet-Colonel  and  Military  Secretary." 


93 

Un  the  da}  upon  which  the  ceremonj  of  laying  the  cornei  stone  of  Presi 
dent  Grant's  tomb,  at  Riverside  Park,  in  New  Vork,  was  performed  by  Presidenl 
Harrison  (April  27,  [892),  the  morning  papers  printed  the  following  item:  "A 
special  meeting  of  Tammany  Sachems  was  held  at  the  Wigwam  yesterday  after- 
noon. General  Horace  Porter  and  General  Daniel  Butterfield  appeared  in 
behalf  of  the  Granl  Monument  Association.  Both  spoke  of  the  readiness  which 
the  Tammany  Society  had  always  shown  in  taking  part  in  public  enterprises,  and 
asked  their  co  operation  in  erecting  the  monument.  The  Sachems,  on  motion  of 
Mr.  Croker,  appropriated  $5,000  for  the  Monument   Fund." 

"Washington,  July,  1866. 
"To  Hon,  John  T.  Hoffman,  Grand  Sachem,  Tammany  Society  or  Columbian  Order." 
"Gentlemen  of  the  Committee  Of  Tammany  Society  or  Columbian  Order: 

"I  have  received  your  invitation  to  participate  in  your  celebration  of  the  National 
Anniversary. 

"To  the  honor  of  your  Society  it  has  in  all  times  and  under  all  circumstances,  in  war 
and  peace,  been  faithful  to  the  union  of  the  States  and  the  rights  of  the  States.  At  no 
period  since  its  organization  have  its  teachings  and  services  been  more  required  than  at 
the  present  time,  when  the  victorious  arms  of  the  Republic,  having  suppressed  the  false 
theory  that  the  Union  can  be  divided  by  secession  or  the  voluntary  withdrawal  of  a  State 
from  its  Federal  relations  and  obligations,  we  are  now  compelled  to  encounter  the  opposite 
extreme  of  compulsory  exclusion,  by  which  the  centralists  deny  to  eleven  States  representa- 
tion in  Congress,  which  is  guaranteed  them  by  the  Constitution.  The  doctrine  of  compul- 
sory exclusion  is  scarcely  less  offensive  than  that  of  voluntary  secession.  Each  is  fatal  to 
the  perpetuity  of  the  Union.  I  respond  most  sincerely  to  the  correct  and  patriotic  views 
expressed  in  your  invitation.    I  respectfully  submit  the  following  sentiment: 

"  'The  union  of  the  States  only  to  be  maintained  by  a  faithful  observance  of  the  rights 
of  the  States.' 

"Gideon  Wells. 
(Secretary  of  Navy  under  Lincoln.) 

We  might  fill  this  volume  with  letters  of  similar  tenor,  if  that  would  add 
effect  to  the  sentiments  so  well  expressed  by  these  eminent  Republicans,  but  must 
content  ourselves  with  giving  a  partial  list  of  the  names  of  distinguished  men  of 
both  parties  and  non-partisans  who  sympathized  with  the  views  of  Tammany  in 
the  matter  of  prompt  reconstruction  of  the  Southern  States. 

Many  of  these  letters  were  read.  Among  the  names  our  readers  will  recog- 
nize some  of  the  most  influential  and  respected  statesmen  of  the  period: 

President  Andrew  Johnson,  Wm.  H.  Seward, 
Gideon  Wells,  Secretary  of  State. 

Secretary  of  Navy,  Maj.-Gen.  Grant,  U.  S.  A., 

Maj.-Gen.  W.  S.  Hancock.  Maj.-Gen.  D.  E.  Sickles. 

Maj.-Gen.  W.  B.  Franklin.  Maj.-Gen.  D.  N.  Couch, 

Brig.-Gen.  Barry,  U.  S.  A.  Maj.-Gen.  H.  E.  Davies, 

Hon.  Nelson  Taylor,  Hon.  J.  P.  Stockton, 

■  Hon.  Tunis  G.  Bergen,  Hon.  James  Brooks, 

Hon.  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  Hon.  James  De  Peyster  Ogden, 

Hon.  Washington  Hunt,  Hon.  D.  R.  Floyde  Jones, 

Hon.  Meyer  Strouse,  Hon.   R.   W.  Beckham, 

Hon.  Francis  Kernan,  Hon.  Edwin  Crosswell, 

Hon.  James  F.  Pierce,  W.  B.  Lawrence,  Esq., 

Hon.  B.  F.  Delano,  H.  A.  Nelson,  Esq., 

J.  K.  Hackett,  J.  S.  Bosworth,  Esq., 

Recorder  City  of  N.  Y..  Harmon  S.  Cutting,  Esq., 

W.  F.  Allen,  Esq.,  Thos.  B.  Carroll,  Esq.. 

Wm.  T.  Odell,  Esq.,  Richard  Varick,  Esq., 

J.  V.  L.  Pruyn,  Esq.,  J.  Vanderpooi,  Esq. 
James  Maurice,  Esq.. 


'A 


Toward  the  close  of  the  exercises  the  following  resolution  was  presented  by 
Recorder  Hackett: 

"The  Grand  Sachem  of  the  United  States  [Andrew  Johnson],  may  he  soon  have  at  his 
belt  all  the  radical  scalps— leaving  them  their  brains;  and  before  another  Fourth  of  July- 
may  he  assemble  the  whole  nation  around  the  Council  Fire  of  Old  Tammany  and  smoke 
with  them  the  Pipe  of  Peace." 

This  was  passed  amid  much  laughter  and    hearty    cheers.      It    was    then 
announced  that  the  Council  of  the  Wigwam  was  closed  for  1866. 


HORATIO  SEYMOUR 


CHAPTER  XXXII 


HORATIO  SEYMOUR. 


side    issues   or 
of  Jeffersonian 


ORATIO  SEYMOUR,  usuall)    called   "the   War   Governor," 

was  so  closely  affiliated  with  Tammany  in  sentiment  and  foil- 
ing, and  was  also  the  nominee  of  the  Society  For  ('resident  in 
1868,  that  we  feel  justified  in  making  special  notice  of  him 
here,  though  his  home  was  in  the  interior  of  the  State. 
Horatio  Seymour  was  a  representative  Democrat,  allowing  no 
temporary  policies  to  divert  him  from  the  solid  principles 
Democracy,  which  he  had  adopted  early  in  life.  His  first 
entrance  into  official  duties  was  in  [835,  when  he  became  Military  Secretary 
to  that  staunch  Democrat,  William  L.  Marcy,  which  office  he  retained  for  six 
years,  or  until  he  was  elected  to  the  Assembly  in  1841.  The  following  year  he 
was  elected  Mayor  of  Utica.  His  suburban  estate  at  Deerfield  being  near  that 
enterprising  city,  he  was  soon  again  returned  to  the  Asserhiblj  .  and  thereafter  was 
kept  almost  constantly  in  some  representative  or  official  position.  But  our  inter- 
est in  him  centres  mainly  in  the  war  period,  and  we  omit  the  details  of  intervening 
years.  Standing  on  exact  constitutional  grounds,  he  was  keenly  alive  to  the 
necessity  of  maintaining  the  Union  at  any  cost.  Particularly  did  he  condemn  the 
action  of  those  who  made  the  election  of  Air.  Lincoln  an  excuse  for  disloyalty. 
At  a  Democratic  ratification  meeting  held  in  Utica,  on  October  28,  1861,  Mr. 
Seymour,  after  expressing  his  very  natural  regret  at  the  failure  of  his  own  party 
to  elect  their  candidate,  said:  "Mr.  Lincoln  was  chosen  in  a  constitutional  man- 
ner, and  we  wish,  as  a  defeated  organization,  to  show  our  loyalty  by  giving  him  a 
just  and  generous  support." 

We  next  find  him  as  an  active  member  of  the  committee  appointed  by 
Governor  Edwin  D.  Morgan  to  raise  troops  in  Oneida  County;  and  he  not  only 
freely  gave  of  his  valuable  services  to  this  patriotic  object,  but  aided  with  sub- 
stantial funds  also.  In  September,  1862,  the  Democratic  convention  again 
nominated  him  for  Governor.  (He  had  been  Governor  in  1852.)  After  a  can- 
vass, in  which  he  asserted  the  right  to  criticise  what  appeared  to  him  a  wrong 
policy  ifl  the  administration  of  the  government,  while  earnestly  sustaining  the 
national  authority,  he  was  elected  by  a  handsome  majority  over  his  able  and 
popular  opponent,  General  James  S.  Wadsworth.  There  were  not  wanting 
extremists  at  this  time  to  charge  Governor  Seymour  with  disloyalty.  His  atti- 
tude appeared  to  be  wilfully  misunderstood.  It  was  certainly  misrepresented. 
Some  of  these  rumors  reached  the  ears  of  President  Lincoln,  who  addressed  a 
letter  to  the  Governor,  on  the  23d  of  March.  1863,  gently  suggesting  that  a  per- 
sonal pledge  of  loyalty  from  the  Governor  of  New  York  would  relieve  him  from 
some  embarrassment.  Taking  this  communication  in  the  right  spirit  from  the 
much  tried  and  perplexed  President,  Mr.  Seymour  responded  by  sending  his  own 


96 

brother  to  Washington  to  assure  Mr.  Lincoln  of  his  loyal  support,  though 
accompanying  the  assurance  with  a  protest  against  certain  arbitrary  arrests  which 
had  lately  taken  place. 

In  everything  pertaining  to  the  raising  of  troops  Governor  Seymour's 
administration  exhibited  great,  even  conspicuous  energy,  and  especially  efficaci- 
ous was  it,  when  an  enormous  effort  was  made  to  meet  General  Lee's  invasion  of 
Pennsylvania,  in  the  early  summer  of  1863.  On  the  15th  of  June  the  Secretary  of 
War  had  telegraphed  to  Governor  Seymour  asking  for  help,  and  in  less  than  three 
days  12,000  State  militia,  "well-equipped  and  in  good  spirits"  were  on  their  way 
to  the  capital  of  the  threatened  State.  Governor  Seymour's  executive  activity 
was  extraordinary.  Both  President  Lincoln  and  Secretary  Stanton  sent  him 
their  personal  thanks  for  his  prompt  action.  On  July  2d,  Governor  Curtin,  of 
Pennsylvania,  also  sent  to  Governor  Seymour  for  aid,  and  in  two  days  still  addi- 
tional troops  were  sent  to  his  relief. 

It  was  while  nearly  all  the  available  militia  of  New  York  City  and  State  had 
gone  to  the  front  that  the  "draft  riots"  occurred  in  the  city.  What  greatly 
excited  the  anger  of  the  poorer  people  was  the  commutation  clause,  which  pro- 
vided that  a  drafted  man  might  procure  exemption  by  the  payment  of  $300.  This 
seemed  to  many  very  unjust;  as  it  practically  relieved  the  richer  class,  while  the 
poor  had  no  escape.  There  was  also  a  discrimination  against  New  York  in  the 
quota  required  from  the  city.  Governor  Seymour  endeavored  to  have  this  injus- 
tice corrected,  and  also  to  secure  a  postponement  of  the  draft;  but  was  not  able 
to  effect  this  in  time  to  prevent  the  catastrophy  which  ensued.  The  draft  began 
on  the  nth  of  July,  1863.  On  the  following  day,  being  Sunday,  the  names  of 
those  drafted  were  published,  and  the  rioting  began.  The  Governor  reached  the 
city  that  night,  and  the  next  day  he' issued  two  proclamations — one  calling  upon 
all  citizens  to  retire  to  their  homes,  and  another  declaring  the  city  in  a  state  of 
insurrection.  He  then  began  enrolling  volunteers  to  aid  in  restoring  peace,  and 
in  getting  together  the  few  remaining  available  troops.  On  Tuesday  he 
addressed  the  mob  from  the  steps  of  the  City  Hall,  his  main  object  being  to 
persuade  the  rioters  to  disperse,  and  so  to  gain  time  for  the  concentration  of  the 
force  he  was  collecting  to  secure  order. 

In  its  issue  of  Wednesday  the  Tribune  charged  Governor  Seymour  with 
having  addressed  the  mob  as  "My  Friends."  If  this  had  been  true,  and  he  had 
done  so  with  the  intent  of  securing  their  attention,  this  conventional  phrase  would 
have  been  quite  justifiable.  Rut,  in  fact,  he  did  not  use  the  words  thus  malici- 
ously attributed  to  him,  though  for  years  this  falsehood  was  hurled  at  him  as  a 
reproach.  The  Deputy-Sheriff  of  New  York  at  that  time  was  Colonel  Thomas 
Dunlap,  who  introduced  the  Governor  on  the  City  Hall  steps  to  the  surging 
crowd  below.  He  stood  close  by  his  side,  and  he  declares  that  Governor  Sey- 
mour addressed  the  great  crowd  by  these  opening  words,  "Men  of  New  York," 
and  bravely  went  on  to  condemn  all  riotous  proceedings,  warning  them  of  the 
fatal  consequences  which  must  inevitably  follow  acts  of  violence,  and  finally 
dissuading  them  from  their  intended  attack  on  the  Tribune  building,  and  induced 
them  to  disperse  peaceably.  He  had  at  the  same  time  a  small  force  of  United 
States  troops  hidden  in  the  City  Hall,  which  he  might  have  called  upon  had  he 


97 


not  resolved  t«>  avoid  bloodshed,  if  possible.     But  the  wilful  misrepresentation  of 

his  speech,  on  that  July  day  in  [863,  no  doubt,  COSt  liim  many  votes,  when 
nominated  for  I 'resident,  in  Tammany  Hall,  in  1868. 

The  riot,  though  continuing  but  little  over  fort)  eight  hours  proved  a  costly 
affair  both  in  property  and  lives.     When  all  was  quiet  again,  Governor  Seymour 

wrote  to  the  President  asking  him  to  have  the  draft  stopped,  and  proposing  to  till 
New  York's  quota  with  volunteers.  A  Committee  of  1 1  n )  1 1 : r \  was  appointed  by 
the  War  Department,  which  subsequently  admitted  that  the  Act  of  March  3d, 
[863,  was  "imperfect,  erroneous  and  excessive,  especially  with  reference  to  the 
cities  of  New  York  and  Brooklyn."  On  the  13th  of  April,  1  Sr  14 ,  a  Republican 
Legislature  passed  a  resolution  thanking  Governor  Seymour  for  his  prompt  and 
efficient  efforts  in  pointing  out  the  errors  of  the  enrollment  and  procuring  its 
correction.  Mr.  Seymour  was  offered  the  Presidential  nomination  in  1864,  hut 
declined  it,  accepting,  however,  in  1868.  In  fact,  it  was  then  almost  forced  upon 
him;  for  he  fully  understood  that  the  interest  in  General  Grant  was  at  that  time 
too  strong  to  be  overcome.  As  he  anticipated,  the  General  secured  a  majority 
in  the  Electoral  College. 

From  this  time  forward  ex-Governor  Seymour  retired  from  active  politics, 
declining  offers  of  nomination  for  Senator  and  other  offices.  He  died  in  Febru- 
ary, 1886.  The  most  remarkable  feature  of  his  political  life  was  the  persistent 
and  wholly  unwarranted  misrepresentation  to  which  he  was  subjected  by  his 
political  opponents,  on  the  utterly  baseless  score  of  disloyalty  to  the  Union. 


98 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 


SAMUEL  J.  TILDEN. 

HOUGH  in  no  sense  a  new  man  or  a  new  politician,  Mr.  Tilden 
came  into  popular  repute  as  the  "ring-breaker"  in  1872,  but 
from  his  youth  up  he  had  been  a  Democratic  politician,  and 
from  early  manhood  merited  the  title  of  Statesman.  He  was 
one  of  those  who  early  broke  away  from  Tammany  on  the 
slavery  question.  He  withdrew  from  the  Baltimore  Conven- 
tion, in  1848,  and  joined  the  Democratic  Free-Soilers  at  Utica,  where  Mar- 
tin Van  Buren  was  nominated  for  the  Presidency.  In  1855  Mr.  Tilden 
was  the  candidate  of  the  Soft-Shell  portion  of  the  Democratic  party  for  the 
Attorney-Generalship.  It  has  often  been  asserted,  and  as  often  denied,  that 
Tilden  was  "a  Tammany  man."  The  facts  are  that  he  was  at  different  times  the 
friend,  and  then,  again,  the  opponent  of  Tammany.  When  that  Society  was 
working  on  what  he  thought  true  Democratic  principles  he  was  with  it;  when 
he  thought  it  failed  in  that  respect,  or  had  fallen  under  the  leadership  of  unworthy 
men,  he  antagonized  it.  All  Democrats  in  New  York  City  were  practically  Tam- 
many men  up  to  the  period  of  the  first  great  division  of  sentiment,  which  came  to 
a  head,  politically  speaking,  in  1848.  We  do  not  mean  absolutely  that  there  were 
no  opposing  factions,  but  their  numbers  were  neither  large  enough,  nor  their 
lease  of  life  long  enough,  to  interfere  seriously  with  the  onward  march  of  the  old 
organization.  But  the  question  of  free-soil  divided  the  Democracy  throughout 
the  land,  as  it  also  shattered — yes,  killed,  the  great  Whig  party. 

In  1872  Mr.  Tilden  was  not  only  back  again  as  a  member  of  Tammany,  but 
was  a  Sachem  of  the  Wigwam.  When  Tammany  was  right,  he  was  there;  when 
he  thought  it  wrong,  he  was  not  only  out,  but  in  full  and  open  opposition.  But 
it  is  not  necessary  here  to  describe,  in  detail,  Mr.  Tilden's  connection  with  Tam- 
many; his  attitude  has  been  already  interwoven  in  preceeding  pages  of  this  his- 
tory. We  desire,  however,  to  call  especial  attention  to  a  curious  coincidence  in 
Mr.  Tilden's  political  experiences  as  a  "ring-breaker,"  which  does  not  and  should 
not  rest  upon  his  action  in  the  New  York  affairs  of  1871-72.  Many  years  before 
he  had  his  eyes  opened  to  the  frauds  being  perpetrated  by  the  "gentlemanly 
gang"  who  were  manipulating  the  finances  of  the  Erie  Canal  for  their  own 
■especial  benefit.  These  parties  "were  all  honorable  men,"  mostly  residing  in 
Syracuse,  the  very  city  in  which  was  held  the  convention  which  nominated  Mr. 
'Tilden  for  Governor  in  1874. 

The  Canal  Board  was  elective,  and  thus,  with  proper  effort,  its  control  could 
be  wrested  from  the  fraudulent  managers,  and  placed  in  more  honest  hands ;  and 
this  was  the  work  Mr.  Tilden  proposed  to  himself  to  see  done  when  he  became 
'Governor.  He  was  elected  by  the  handsome  majority  of  over  50,000.  His 
inauguration  took  place  January  1,  1875.  His  first  message  has  always  been 
known  as  the  "Canal  Message."  On  close  investigation,  Mr.  Tilden  had  found 
that  in  this  provincial  city,  over  two  hundred  miles  distant  from  "wicked  New 


York,"  almost  precisely  the  same  fradulenl  modes  of  deception  and  corruption 
were  in  full  operation  by  these  supposed  innocent  rustics  of  no  particular  political 
faith;  and,  curiously  enough,  about  the  same  amount  of  money,  some  fifteen  mil- 
lions, had  been  wrongfully  absorbed  and  squandered  bj  the  "canal  ring."  it 
was  b>  the  Governor's  practical  suggestions  and  influence  on  succeeding  legisla- 
tion that  a  salutary  change  was  soon  brought  about  in  canal  management. 

It  was  in  great  measure  his  admirable  conduct  of  State  affairs  which  led  to 
Governor  Tilden's  nomination  for  the  Presidency  in  1876.  Bj  the  popular  vote. 
his  majority  over  Naves  was  252,224;  and  in  the  Electoral  College  he  received 
184  votes  to  165  for  Hayes.  It  is  not  necessary  to  repeat  lure  the  story  of  the 
great  national  fraud  of  our  Centennial  year.  History  has  judged  that  act,  but 
not  condoned  it — nor  ever  will. 

'There  is  now  no  doubt  that  Tammany's  full  vote  was  brought  out  in 
favor  of  Tilden.  John  Kelly's  choice  (he  was  very  influential  them  was  Sanford  E. 
Church,  who  had  been  sounded  on  the  subject  of  accepting  the  nomination  for 
the  Presidency,  which  he  absolutely  declined  for  himself,  under  the  feeling  that 
neither  lie  nor  any  New  York  man  could  be  elected.  He  thought  the  Presidency 
should,  at  that  time,  "go  to  some  Western  man."  Yet,  though  two  such  astute 
politicians  as  Church  and  Kelly  saw  defeat  in  the  nomination,  Samuel  J.  Tilden 
was  elected  not  only  by  a  large  popular  vote,  but  also  by  a  more  than'  sufficient 
majority  in  the  Electoral  College.  After  Mr.  Tilden's  death,  in  the  summer  of 
1886,  the  following  appreciative  remarks,  from  one  who  knew  him  well,  appeared 
in  a  leading  Republican  paper  of  Boston:  "If  you  wish  to  hear  kind  things  said 
of  the  dead  leader  of  Democracy,  go  and  talk  to  the  people  of  Gramercy  Park,  in 
New  York.  They  knew  the  man.  He  was  not  the  weazened,  churlish  creature, 
clutching  his  barrel  of  gold,  that  those  amiable  gentlemen,  the  cartoonists,  were 
so  fond  of  picturing,  while  taking  a  mean  delight  in  making  fun  of  his  physical 
misfortunes.  Tlis  neighbors  do  not  remember  the  brutal  cartoons,  but  they  have 
a  warm  recollection  of  a  gentle  and  sunny-tempered  old  man,  who  rose  superior 
to  racking  and  cruel  bodily  tortures,  and  presented  a  smiling  front  at  all  times." 

By  his  will  Mr.  Tilden  showed  his  regard  for  the  City  of  New  York  by  leav- 
ing a  bequest  of  several  million  dollars  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  a  free 
library.  Unfortunately,  ignoring  the  good  old  rule  of  Blackstone.  that  when  any 
technical  or  orthographical  obscurity  occurs  in  the  wording  of  a  will,  that  "it 
should  be  construed  in  accordance  with  the  known  intention  of  the  testator," 
these  millions  have  been  diverted  from  the  objects  which  Mr.  Tilden  had  so  much 
at  heart — to  the  great  loss  of  the  citizens  of  New  York. 

A  patriotic  niece  of  Mr.  Tilden's  has,  to  the  extent  of  a  two  million  dollar 
gift,  endeavored  to  have  this  clause  in  Mr.  Tilden's  will  carried  out. 


CHAPTER   XXXIV. 

LAYING  THE  CORNER-STONE  OF  THE  NEW  WIGWAM. 

N  JULY,  1867,  the  important  event  of  laying  the  corner-stone 
of  the  imposing  new  Wigwam,  in  Fourteenth  street,  was  com- 
bined with  the  usual  ceremonies  which  annually  mark  the 
National  Anniversary,  so  religiously  observed  by  the  Tam- 
many Society  since  the  year  of  its  foundation.  The  cere- 
monies of  the  occasion  were  abundantly  chronicled  in  the 
leading  daily  papers,  and  brought  forth,  from  the  Society,  an  extra  illustrated 
pamphlet  descriptive  of  the  proceedings,  in  which  was  also  given  a  picture  of  the 
old  hall,  on  the  corner  of  Nassau  and  Frankfort  streets,  with  a  lithograph  copy 
of  the  corner-stone  of  the  abandoned  building.  This  pamphlet  also  included  Mr. 
Horton's  interesting  historical  sketch  of  Chief  Tammany. 

As  the  old  hall  had  been  given  up  and  the  new  was  not  yet  built,  the  Society, 
on  this  occasion,  occupied  Irving  Hall,  on  Thirteenth  street — a  building  subse- 
quently destined  to  temporary  fame,  as  the  resort  of  a  fraction  of  disaffected 
Democrats  in  opposition  to  Tammany.  Here  a  procession  was  formed  which, 
with  flags,  banners  and  music,  marched  to  the,  site  of  the  new  building  on  Four- 
teenth street,  adjoining  the  Academy  of  Music.  The  ground,  already  partly 
excavated,  sloped  inward  from  the  sidewalk,  forming  a  sort  of  amphitheatre  for 
the  people  to  occupy,  with  the  stand  for  the  speakers  in  the  centre.  There  was 
an  immense  assemblage,  "on  the  outer  fringe  of  which  were  many  ladies."  A 
silver  trowel,  with  ivory  handle,  made  for  the  occasion,  was  presented  to  the 
Grand  Sachem,  John  T.  Hoffman,  which  is  thus  described:  "On  one  side  was 
engraved  an  Indian  chief,  underneath  which  was  the  inscription,  'From  the  Tam- 
many Society  to  Grand  Sachem  John  T.  Hoffman;  used  in  laying  the  corner- 
stone of  the  new  hall  for  the  Tammany  Society,  or  Columbian  Order,  July  4th, 
1867.'  "  The  other  side  contained  the  names  of  the  Grand  Sachem  and  other 
officers  of  the  Society. 

Mr.  Hoffman  made  an  eloquent  and  thrilling  address  in  response  to  the 
presentation,  and  then  proceeded  to  place  in  the  casket  the  numerous  documents 
and  objects  selected  for  the  purpose — coins,  newspapers,  some  books,  Mr.  Hor- 
ton's historical  sketch  included;  not  forgetting  a  copy  of  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence and  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and,  with  many  modern 
records,  were  also  deposited  all  that  had  been  taken  from  the  old  corner-stone 
of  the  abandoned  Wigwam. 

When  these  exercises  were  over  the  Society,  with  many  invited  guests,  and 
others,  returned  to  Irving  Hall.  There,  as  usual,  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence was  read,  music  performed,  and  an  ode,  written  by  one  of  the  editorial  staff 
of  the  World,  was  read  by  De  Witt  Van  Buren,  Esq.  The  feature  of  the  occasion, 
however,  was  the  appearance  of  the  venerable  Tammanyite,  the  Hon.  Gulian  C. 
Verplanck,  as  orator.  Mr.  Verplanck  was  then  ninety  years  of  age;  he  had  been 
manv  vears  a  member  of  Congress,  and  had    held    other    honorable    positions, 


DEDICATION  OF  THE   PRESENT  WIGWAM.   NATIONAL  DEMO- 
<'l.  \r\c  CONVENTK  »N  JUL?    iTH.   L868 


federal  and  civic.  There  was  probably  not  a  man  in  the  city  more  generall) 
esteemed  and  respected.  Dating  From  the  preceding  century,  he  had  witnessed 
Tammany's  early  history,  and  had  personally  known  all  oi  its  distinguished  mem- 
bers. Realizing  thai  this  had  probabl)  been  one  oi  the  reasons  win  he  had  been 
selected  as  the  orator  of  the  occasion,  he  announced  his  intention  to  make  Ins 
address  largely  reminiscenl  pleasant  change  From  the  sometimes  over  fervenl 
patriotism  of  the  ordinary  political  addresses 

Mr.  Verplanck  remembered  the  early  Wigwam  that  was  occupied  bj  the 
Society,  the  little  wooden  building  adjoining  Martling's  tavern  on  Nassau  street, 
which  was.  in  [789,  part  of  the  site  whereon  the  large  building  was  erected  in 
181  !.  and  which,  after  an  occupancy  of  sixty-five  years,  had  just  been  abandoned. 
It  was  located  in  the  present  Printing  House  Square.  At  that  time  there  was  an 
open  common  just  beyond  where  the  City  Hall,  not  then  built,  now  stands.  It 
seems  hardly  credible  to  the  present  generation  of  New  Yorkers  that  at  the  period 
within  Mr.  Verplanck's  recollection  there  were  three  States  which  ranked  above 
New  York,  both  in  wealth  and  population;  namely,  Virginia,  Pennsylvania  and 
Massachusetts.  Though  the  Tammany  Society  then  occupied  very  humble 
quarters,  they  had,  from  their  very  formation,  a  marked  influence  on  political 
questions,  which  influence  constantly  increased  with  the  passing  years,  and  was 
most  pronounced  by  [8oi,  when,  it  may  be  said,  with  truth,  that  the  Tammany 
Society  secured  the  election  of  Thomas  Jefferson.  For  it  is  certain  that  if  Tam- 
many had  favored  De  Witt  Clinton,  he  would  have  been  President,  instead  of 
Jefferson.  De  Witt  Clinton  was  a  member  of  Tammany,  as  was  the  elder  Clin- 
ton, George,  who  was  also  Governor  of  the  State. 

Among  distinguished  men  at  that  time,  and  later,  who  were  active  members 
of  Tammany  was  General  Horatio  Gates,  Brockholts  Livingston,  the  elegant 
scholar  and  eminent  Judge  of  the  Superior  Court  of  New  York ;  Edward  Livings- 
ton, the  distinguished  lawyer,  literateur  and  statesman,  author  of  "Livingston's 
Code,"  prepared  for  the  State  of  Louisiana,  at  the  request  of  its  Legislature. 
Another  eminent  member  was  Governor  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  the  "War  Gover- 
nor" of  1812;  he  it  was  who,  in  the  depression  preceeding  that  war,  roused  to 
action  the  people  of  New  York,  many  of  whom,  as  merchants,  opposed  hostilities 
at  that  time,  for  financial  reasons.  Tammany  supported  him:  and  soon  this 
action  gave  confidence  and  courage  to  the  whole  land.  Again,  when  Jackson 
fulminated  his  proclamation  against  the  incipient  secession  of  South  Carolina,  in 
1832,  "It  was  you,"  exclaimed  Verplanck,  as  he  looked  in  the  faces  of  the  older 
Tammany  men,  "it  was  you  who  arose  to  the  occasion,  and  proclaimed  your 
allegience  to  the  doctrines  announced  by  the  President.  From  that  time,"  he 
added,  "you  have  gone  on.  through  evil  report  and  good  repor;.  though  assailed 
by  calumny,  sometimes  on  one  side,  and  sometimes  on  the  other,  uniformly 
supporting  the  just  rights  of  the  States  and  also  those  of  the  Federal  govern- 
ment, and  as  steadily  opposing  every  usurpation  of  authority  by  either." 

Resuming  his  thread  of  reminiscences.  Mr.  Verplanck  remarked  that,  though 
many  of  their  members  were  hard-handed  sons  of  toil,  in  the  mechanic  arts  and 
other  useful  labors,  the  Society  had  always  contained  conspicuously  able  and 
talented  men,  whom  the  members  of  other  parties  were  constrained  to  respect. 
He  referred  to  the  well-known  name  of  Bloodgood,  a  successful  merchant  in  the 
Swamp,  (a  section  of  the  city,  the  centre  of  the  wholesale  leather  trade):  and, 


later,  a  magnate  in  Wall  Street;  to  John  Remmv.  a  scientific  geographer  and  his- 
torian; to  James  Campbell,  for  many  years  Surrogate,  a  sound  lawyer  and  highly 
esteemed  citizen;  to  John  T.  Irving,  for  many  years  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Com- 
mon Pleas,  and  a  fine  scholar;  Judge  Irving  was  one  of  the  original  founders  of 
the  Society,  and  an  active  financial  manager  in  erecting  the  old  hall,  in  1811.  His 
elder  brother,  William,  also  a  member,  was  for  years  a  Representative  in  Con- 
gress.    He  was  both  a  prose  writer  and  a  poet. 

All  the  literary  people  knew  James  Kirke  Paulding,  with  his  record  in  the 
Navy,  as  well  as  his  valuable  writings,  a  friend  and  co-laborer  with  Washington 
Irving,  and  raised  to  a  Cabinet  position  by  President  Van  Buren.  He  was  a 
faithful  member  of  the  Tammany  Society.  One  of  the  best  services  which  he 
performed,  for  literature  and  the  credit  of  his  country,  was  his  pertinent  and 
forcible  response  to  that  crop  of  traveling  English  critics,  such  as  Basil  Hill,  of 
the  British  Navy;  Captain  Hamilton,  of  the  British  Army;  the  Rev.  (?)  F.  Tidd- 
ler, of  the  English  Church,  and  their  lesser  imitators,  sustained  and  encouraged 
by  the  then  editors  of  the  famous  Quarterly  Review.  Among  the  distinguished 
members  of  Tammany,  we  must  not  forget  Mayor  Stephen  Allen,  who  held  the 
office  of  Grand  Sachem ;  a  man  of  stern  virtue  and  sound  sense.  No  "old  Roman" 
exceeded  him  in  the  strictness  of  his  integrity.  We  can  only  compare  him  to  a 
Cincinnatus  or  a  Fabercius.  He  was  four  years  in  the  State  Senate,  and  while 
there  a  watchful  and  bold  guardian  of  the  public  welfare.  At  that  period  of  our 
State  history  Senators  were  ex-officio  members  of  the  Appelate  Court,  for  the 
Correction  of  Errors;  and,  in  this  capacity,  Mr,  Allen  greatly  distinguished  him- 
self by  the  keenness  of  his  insight  and  his  desire  to  do  exact  justice.  A  con- 
temporary of  the  latter,  Mr.  Gideon  Lee,  in  another  direction  honored  the 
membership  of  the  old  Wigwam.  He  had  a  taste  for  two  different  sciences, 
chemistry  and  finance,  upon  which  he  gave  frequent  lectures.  In  applied  chemis- 
try, tanning  was  his  pet  subject,  and  in  this  matter  he  greatly  aided  the  business, 
then  comparatively  new  in  New  York.  His  scientific  advice  often  proved  of  great 
value  to  the  old  leather  merchants  of  the  Swamp,  and  elsewhere.  Mr.  Lee  also 
held,  at  different  times,  responsible  offices  of  civic  trust. 

Mr.  Verplanck  next  referred,  in  terms  of  special  eulogy,  to  one  of  his  college 
friends,  Mr.  Alpheus  Shuman,  a  State  Senator,  and  orator  of  the  day  on  the 
occasion  of  the  laying  of  the  corner-stone  in  181 1.  Of  course,  Elijah  F.  Purdy, 
"the  Old  War  Horse  of  Tammany,"  could  not  be  left  out  of  this  long  list  of 
worthies  and  of  Sachems.  He  was  a  peer  of  the  active  men  of  Governor  Tomp- 
kins' time;  a  man  of  the  utmost  integrity,  and  of  a  remarkably  cheerful,  hopeful 
temper;  but  the  source  of  his  widespread  influence  was  neither  of  these  qualities, 
which  were  possessed  in  common  with  many  other  of  the  brethren;  but,  in  a  most 
remarkable  and  earnest  degree,  he  had  the  welfare  of  the  people  always  upper- 
most in  his  heart.  And  the  people  knew  it.  There  was  never  any  danger  of 
his  trimming  or  shifting  to  fill  his  sails  with  a  popular  breeze. 

Grand  Sachem  Bowne,  who  was  also  Mayor  of  New  York,  was  highly  lauded 
by  the  orator,  as  also  Grand  Sachem  Romaine,  as  men  of  sterling  probity  and  as 
Fathers  in  the  Columbian  Order.  At  the  conclusion  of  this  interesting  address, 
a  large  number  of  letters,  from  distinguished  invited  guests,  were  read,  including 
one  from  the  President  of  the  United  States,  after  which  the  Chairman  introduced 
to  the  audience  the  Hon.  S.  S.  Cox,  who  commenced  his  speech  with  that  pleas- 


103 

ing  familiarity  which  made  him  such  a  universal  favorite  with  the  public. 
"Brothers  of  Tammany,"  he  said,  "your  Society,  with  its  Indian  name,  is  but  the 
outward  symbol  of  an  inward  thought  That  thought  is — Democracy,  unap- 
plied and  defiant.  Your  traditions,  wrapped  in  aboriginal  metaphor,  have  more 
meaning  than  reach  the  ear.  Your  traditions  represent  your  Chief  Tammany  as 
in  constant  conflict  with  Evil  Spirits,  whom  he  finally  drove  from  the  land.  He 
was  also  represented  as  most  generous  and  chivalrous  to  his  enemies,  whom, 
when  victorious,  he  surprised  by  his  kindness  and  clemency.  Indeed,  every 
lesson  which  a  State  requires  is  taught  by  your  legends.  Allow  me  to  imagine 
that  his  spirit  yet  lingers  on  the  shores  of  the  beautiful  Muskingum — my  own 
native  valley.  And  there  is  the  wonderful  Indian  mound,  so  often  described. 
Who  were  these  mound-builders,  unless  they  were  the  early  tribes  of  Tammany? 
Certainly,  no  antiquitarian  has  had  the  hardihood  to  deny  that  there  exists  one 
grand  and  particular  tumulus,  reared  with  great  labor  and  geometrical  propor- 
tions, for  the  immortalization  of  Tammany. 

"Long  before  I  became  a  citizen  of  New  York  I  had  an  instinctive  inclination 
towards  you.  Your  Society  has  an  influence  by  no  means  limited  to  the  City  or 
State  of  New  York.  The  Democracy  of  a  nation  looks  to  Tammany  to  blaze  out. 
through  the  political  wilderness,  its  future  warpath.  New  York  is  the  focus  of 
American  civilization.  Her  destiny  is  in  your  keeping.  As  of  old,  so  now  New 
York  should  stand  between  the  sections  as  arbiter  and  moderator." 

Among  the  scores  of  letters  which  were  read  on  this  occasion,  we  select  one 
as  a  specimen  of  the  feeling  then  prevalent  among  Democrats  of  all  sections  of 
the  country.  It  is  from  the  great  Virginia  orator,  Montgomery  Blair.  It  is 
dated : 

Washington,  July  1st,  1867. 
Dear  Sik: 

I  thank  the  Sachems  of  Tammany  for  the  Invitation  to  attend  the  ceremonies  of  laying 
the  corner-stone  of  their  new  edifice.  •  •  *  I  feel  encouraged  by  the  fact  that  this 
ancient  and  patriotic  Society  is  about  to  erect  an  edifice  of  massive  proportions  and  endur- 
ing strength  in  the  metropolis,  which  is  to  be  the  headquarters  of  the  Democracy  of  the 
Union.  It  gives  promise  that  the  battle  for  the  Union  of  the  States  and  the  rights  of  the 
States  is  to  be  continued  in  earnest,  and  this  I  hope  will  vitalize  an  organization  to  which 
alone  we  can  look  for  success  in  that  struggle.  The  men  of  the  school  of  old  Tammany 
should  go  to  work  earnestly  to  overthrow  the  military  despotism  and  corruption  of  which 
Radicalism  was  born,  and  on  which  it  lives.  *  •  •  Let  us  pit  against  this  reproduction 
of  old  Federalism,  in  its  worst  aspects,  the  Democracy  of  old  Tammany,  which  fought 
against  treason  and  disunion,  but  held  to  the  just  rights  of  the  States,  an  honest  adherence 
to  the  Constitution  and  frugal  administration  of  the  government.    We  are  sure  to  win. 

M.   Blair. 

John  T.  Hoffman,  Grand  Sachem. 

John  T.  Hoffman,  who  presided  throughout  these  lengthened  ceremonies, 
is  well  remembered  both  as  Governor  of  the  State  of  New  York,  and  as  Mayor  of 
the  city.  He  was  also  for  several  years  Grand  Sachem  of  the  Tammany  Society, 
and  a  very  influential  force  in  the  councils  of  the  Democratic  party,  not  only  in 
his  own  State,  but  wherever  the  interests  of  the  party  called  the  wisest  heads 
toeether  to  consider  ways  and  means — either  to  carry  elections,  or  to  circumvent 
objectionable  legislation  by  their  political  opponents.  He  had  been  educated 
for  the  Bar,  and  had  a  wide  practice  in  the  City  of  New  York,  but  business  could 
not  consume  all  his  energies  and  interest.  Public  affairs  always  had  a  natural 
charm  for  him,  and  nature  had  endowed  him  with  a  good  capacity  for  the  exercise 


104 

of  public  functions.  He  was  an  excellent  speaker  and  presided  with  peculiar 
grace  and  efficiency  at  large  public  meetings.  He  first  joined  the  Tammany 
Society  in  1854,  reaching  the  highly  complimentary  position  of  Grand  Sachem  by 
a  sort  of  natural  fitness,  that  could  not  be  overlooked  by  his  fellow  members.  By 
Tammany's  aid,  he  was  eleclted  Recorder  in  i860.  It  was  while  he  occupied 
this  judicial  position  that  the  terrible  "draft  riots"  took  place  in  New  York,  and 
many  of  the  participants  who  were  arrested  were  brought  before  him  for  trial. 
To  those  clearly  convicted  of  wanton  mischief  and  cruelty,  as  many  were,  he 
showed  no  leniency,  his  sentences  were  even  thought  severe,  but  in  every  case 
they  were  discriminatingly  just.  In  1865  Mr.  Hoffman  was  elected  Mayor  of 
New  York,  and  re-elected  in  1867.  In  1866  he  had  been  nominated  for  Gover- 
nor, but  was  defeated  by  Mr.  Fenton.  This,  in  most  cases,  would  have  dis- 
couraged the  friends  of  ahy  candidate,  but  it  was  not  so  with  the  admirers  of  Mr. 
Hoffman;  they  were  so  sure  that  he  ought  to  be  Governor,  that  he  was  again 
selected  as  the  standard-bearer  of  the  Democracy,  which,  in  1870,  succeeded  in 
placing  him  in  the  Gubernatorial  chair. 

Mr.  Hoffman  was  so  highly  esteemed  as  a  judicial  officer  that  many  of  those 
politicians  who  cared  more  for  the  interests  of  the  city  than  for  the  advancement 
of  individual  fortunes,  were  very  unwilling  to  see  him  exchange  the  position  of 
Recorder  for  any  other.  Among  those  anxious  to  keep  him  in  his  judicial  seat 
was  Charles  G.  Halpine,  the  ever-ready  poet,  who  harnessed  his  pen  to  practical 
uses  as  part  of  his  profession.  He  thus  warns  Mr.  Hoffman  against  accepting 
the  nomination  for  Mayor,  which  advice,  however,  was  not  regarded: 

MWell.  Hoffman,  dear,  the  thing  looks  queer— 

The  machine  doesn't  run  to  order. 
And  despite  the  Ring's  views,  we're  not  willing  to  lose 

Tour  services  as  Recorder. 
'Tis  a  fine  old  place,  which  we  think  you  grace, 

Arrayed  in  the  Judge's  ermine; 
And  'twould  make  us  despair,  if  we  saw  you  made  Mayor, 

As  the  tool  of  the  Lobby-ring  vermin. 
And  so  John  T.,  we  will  let  you  be, 

Till  your  term  expires  as  Recorder; 
And,  when  played  in  that  game,  we'll  examine  your  claim. 

To  another  position  in  order." 

The  poet  was  wrong  this  time;  Mr.  Hoffman  was  elected  Mayor,  and  filled 
that  office  as  satisfactorily  as  he  had  that  of  Recorder. 

Gulian  C.  Verplanck,  the  orator  of  the  day  in  1867,  is  eminently  worthy  of 
special  notice  among  the  long  list  of  distinguished  scholars  and  statesmen  who 
have  been  connected  with  the  Tammany  Society,  lie  was  one  of  the  leading 
literary  men  of  his  day  in  New  York.  Besides  his  large  work  on  "The  Advantages 
and  Dangers  of  the  American  Scholar,"  he  wrote  many  valuable  essays  and  deliv- 
ered a  large  number  of  lectures  on  most  varied  subjects,  art,  education,  history, 
politics  and  law.  Gulian  C.  Verplanck  was  born  in  the  City  of  New  York  in  1786; 
was  a  graduate  of  Columbia  College,  and  was  one  of  those  referred  to  in  a 
previous  chapter,  who  resented  the  action  of  the  President  of  the  College  in  refus- 
ing a  diploma  to  a  graduate,  for  the  reason  that  the  student  had  dared  to  express 
his  own  opinions,  instead  of  those  suggested  to  him  by  a  certain  professor.  Mr. 
Verplanck,  with  some  others,  was  arrested  and  fined  for  having,  on  that  account. 


i°5 


interrupted  the  commencemeni  proceedings  which  wen-  being  held  in  Trinity 
■Church.  After  his  admission  to  .the  Bar,  Mr.  Verplanck  spenl  .1  considerable 
period  in  European  travel;  returning  to  New  York,  he  thenceforward  divided  liis 
time  between  literature  and  politics,  [n  the  Former,  he  was  the  leader  in  a  famous 
coterie  of  authors,  and,  in  the  latter,  he  figured  as  an  active  member  and  wise 
adviser  of  Tammany  Hall.  He  was  elected  to  Congress  in  [825,  and  served  until 
1832.  He  was  for  many  years  President  of  the  Board  of  Commissioners  of 
Emigration. 


io6 


CHAPTER    XXXV. 
A    DARK    SHADOW. 

S  WE  approach  the  seventh  decade  of  the  century,  we  encounter 
in  the  history  of  the  Tammany  Society  the  greatest  misfortune 
which  has  ever  befallen  it.  In  1871  the  Times,  one  of  the  lead- 
ing newspapers  of  the  city,  commenced  the  publication  of  a 
series  of  charges  against  certain  public  officials.  The  leading 
persons  attacked  were  A.  Oakey  Hall,  at  that  time  Mayor  of 
New  York;  Richard  B.  Connolly,  Comptroller  of  both  City  and  County;  Peter  B. 
Sweeney,  Commissioner  of  the  Public  Parks,  and  William  M.  Tweed,  Commis- 
sioner of  Public  Works.  There  were  other  persons  involved,  but  these  composed 
what  was  understood  by  "the  ring."  The  Times  had  circumspectly  gathered  all 
the  necessary  facts,  and  the  proofs  of  the  truth  of  its  charges,  very  adroitly;  show- 
ing a  continued  system  of  defrauding  the  city  of  immense  sums  of  money,  con- 
clusively, in  the  case  of  some  of  the  persons  named,  constructively,  in  the  case  of 
others.  Altogether,  less  than  half  a  dozen  names  were  seriously  involved;  but 
the  peculations  had  been  enormous.  It  was  evident  that  no  one  person  could  have 
carried  through  these  frauds  successfully.  So  clearly  was  the  case  made  out  that 
the  citizens,  who  had,  at  first,  been  somewhat  indifferent  over  these  alleged  reve- 
lations, finally  became  aroused  to  the  reality  and  magnitude  of  the  charges. 
Citizens  became  excited,  and,  American-like,  a  public  meeting  was  called,  to  dis- 
cuss the  matter.  Tweed,  with  the  insolence  of  success,  had  sarcastically  asked, 
"  What  are  you  going  to  do  about  it?"  little  thinking,  when  he  propounded  that 
query,  what  the  response  would  be. 

On  the  4th  of  September,  1871,  a  public  meeting  was  held  in  the  large  hall  of 
the  Cooper  Union  Building,  called  by  a  committee  of  seventy  leading  citizens  and 
business  men,  at  the  head  of  which  was  the  Hon.  William  F.  Havemeyer.  The 
hall  was  packed  with  an  excited,  but  orderly  crowd,  including  many  merchants, 
and  others  of  large  financial  interests,  to  whom  the  management  of  the  city  fin- 
ances was  a  matter  of  practical  importance. 

But  while  many  citizens,  including  the  Committee  of  Seventy,  had  not  only 
been  talking,  but  considering  ways  and  means  how  best  to  proceed  to  a  remedy,. 
one  of  the  leading  Democrats  of  the  country,  a  most  distinguished  citizen,  not 
only  of  the  State  of  New  York,  but  of  the  United  States,  had  been  quietly  at  work 
preparing  the  case  for  legal  action.  This  skillfull  lawyer  was  Samuel  J.  Tilden, 
upon  whose  affidavit  Tweed  was  finally  arrested,  on  the  26th  of  October,  but,  to 
the  surprise  of  the  whole  community,  the  accused  was  admitted  to  bail  in  the 
paltry  sum  of  only  $1,000,  though  the  values  involved  amounted  to  millions.  Very 
curiously,  as  it  now  seems,  at  the  ensuing  State  election  in  November,  Tweed  was 
elected  to  the  State  Senate.  But  this  support  of  his  personal  followers  did  not 
deter  the  friends  of  good  government  from  following  up  the  guilty  official.     On 


m7 

coniplaints  preferred,  the  (-rand  Jury,  on  the  6th  oi  December,  found  a  true  bill 
against   William   M.  Tweed  for  felony.     He  was  again  arrested.     Some  of  his 
friends  procured  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus.     He  was  brought  before  Judge  Gi 
G.  Barnard,  and  again  released  on  $5,000  bail.     He  now,  December  29,  resigned 
his  office  as  Commissioner  of  Public  Works;   nor  did  he  venture  to  take  his  seat 

in  the  Senate. 

The  Society  of  Tammany,  as  his  guilt  became  apparent,  ejected  him  from  its 
membership,  and  elected  to  his  office  another  of  their  members,  a  man  of  stainless 
integrity,  and  a  well-known  citizen,  Augustus  Schell. 

The  end  of  Tweed  is  well  known.  He  was  finally  convicted  of  felony,  in  the 
embezzelment  of  city  funds;  was  sentenced  to  imprisonment,  from  which  he  subse- 
quently escaped,  and  made  his  way  out  of  the  country;  was  recaptured  in  Spain 
through  the  aid  of  General  Sickles,  and  returned  to  jail,  where  he  died.  He  was 
buried  in  his  beautiful  family  plot  in  Greenwood.  Mayor  A.  O.  Hall  declared 
that  he  had  only  acted  ministerially  in  signing  his  name  to  the  fradulent  bills,  many 
of  which  were  absolute  forgeries,  and  claimed  that  he  had  no  responsibility  as  to 
their  correctness:  he  was  indicted,  but  two  successive  juries  failed  to  convict  him. 
Shortly  after  he  left  the  country  and  made  his  permanent  residence  in  London  for 
many  years,  having  returned  (in  1892)  to  New  York.  When  these  investigations 
were  going  on  the  office  of  the  Comptroller,  Connolly,  showed  a  monstrously  cor- 
rupt condition  of  affairs.  The  city  debt  had  more  than  doubled  in  less  than  three 
years,  being  at  the  time  of  these  events  $113,000,000,  which  was  $63,000,000  more 
than  when  Mayor  Hall,  whose  appointee  he  was,  took  office. 

The  difficulty  of  proving  many  of  the  charges  of  peculation  against  the  ring 
was  immensely  enhanced  by  the  discovery,  one  morning,  that  three  thousand  five 
hundred  vouchers  had  disappeared  from  the  Comptroller's  office,  said  to  have 
been  stolen.  When  this  was  announced  Mayor  Hall  asked  Connolly  to  resign, 
but  he  had  the  audacity  to  still  cling  to  his  office,  until  that  staunch  Democrat, 
William  F.  Havemeyer,  made  him  see  its  necessity,  by  indicating  the  certainty  of 
his  arrest,  if  he  persisted  in  remaining.  Andrew  H.  Green,  another  well-known 
Democrat,  of  great  financial  ability,  and  as  safe  as  he  was  able,  was  made  Deputy 
Comptroller,  and  the  finances  of  the  city  were  all  put  practically  under  his  control. 
Mr.  Green  had  been  at  the  head  of  the  Central  Park  Commission  previously.  He 
it  was  who  subsequently  found  the  ashes  of  the  lost  vouchers  in  an  abandoned 
attic  room  in  the  City  Hall.  The  banks  of  the  city  had  so  much  confidence  in 
Mr.  Green's  integrity,  he  being  at  the  time  a  member  of  Tammany,  that  they 
voluntarily  advanced  him  $2,000,000  for  temporary  use,  until  the  finances  of  the 
city  could  be  regulated. 

ft  is  rather  remarkable,  and  worth  observing,  that  the  most  active  persons  in 
unearthing  and  destroying  this  corrupt  ring  of  city  officials  were  not  only  Demo- 
crats, but  members  of  the  Tammany  Society.  Without  the  "still  hunt"  and  per- 
severing labors  of  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  assisted  by  the  great  Democratic  Lawyer, 
Charles  O'Connor,  the  disclosures  of  the  newspapers  and  the  speeches  of  excited 
citizens  would  have  failed  of  any  practical  result.  At  the  time  of  these  occurences 
no  sensible,  clear-headed  person  thought  of  accusing  the  whole  Tammany  Society 
(as  has  since  been  done)  of  participation  in  these  frauds.  The  wrongs  were  com- 
mitted because  the  individuals  concerned  in  them  were  conscienceless  rascals,  not 
because  they  were  of  this  society  or  that.     If  they  had  been  adherents  of  any  other 


io8 

political  party  with  the  same  opportunities  and  temptations  before  them,  the  result 
would  have  been  the  same.  The  cause  was  in  the  individual  nature,  and  had 
nothing  to  do  with  political  affiliations. 

That  opposing  partisans  have  seized  upon  the  fact  of  their  connection  with 
Tammany  Hall  to  throw  odium  upon  all  the  members  of  that  body  shows  not  only 
a  disposition  to  injustice,  but  that  kind  of  weakness  of  intellect  which  mistakes 
vituperation  for  argument.  This  is  not  the  writer's  opinion  only,  as  may  be 
learned  by  reading  the  proceedings  of  a  meeting  held  in  the  Chamber  of  Com- 
merce, on  September  23,  1871.  The  Committee  on  Address  reported  thus  on  the 
subject:  "We  have  given  all  the  aid  in  our  power  to  the  honest  members  of  the 
party  dominant  here  (the  Tammany  party),  and  which  is  particularly  humiliated 
by  scoundrels  who  have  misused  their  official  opportunities  for  their  own  personal 
aggrandizement." 

At  one  of  the  meetings  held  at  Cooper  Union,  the  Hon.  R.  B.  Roosevelt  said: 
"  I  do  not  know  whether  it  is  exactly  possible  for  a  man  to  be  born  a  Democrat, 
but  I  claim  to  come  as  near  it  as  any  one  can.  Certainly,  from  my  earliest  youth 
I  have  upheld  staunchly  and  unswervingly  the  great  doctrines  of  Democracy ;  for 
Democracy  is  like  vaccination,  when  it  once  takes  well  hold  it  lasts  a  lifetime. 
But,  as  I  did  not  believe  disloyalty  to  mean  Democracy  during  the  war,  so  I  do 
not  believe  dishonesty  to  mean  Democracy  now." 

"  The  corner-stone  of  the  Democratic  faith  is  the  pure,  economical  adminis- 
tration of  government.  To  us  Democrats,  therefore,  comes  the  charge  of  corrup- 
tion against  our  rulers  with  a  two-fold  force — an  especial  horror.  These 
improper  Tammany  nominees  were  elected  by  the  evident  connivance  of  Repub- 
lican Inspectors  of  Elections,  who  were  bought  up  for  one  or  two  dollars  apiece. 
But  we  must  crush  this  ring,  or  the  ring  will  crush  us." 

With  much  more  to  the* same  purport  did  this  eloquent  Democrat  condemn 
the  wrongdoers,  while  sympathising  with  the  party  who  was  suffering  from  their 
ill  deeds,  though  having  had  no  part  or  lot  in  their  crimes. 

That  Tweed  was  elected  to  the  Senate  while  these  charges  were  openly  made 
is  partly  explained  by  the  fact  that,  when  first  accused  by  the  public  prints,  a  great 
many  persons  did  not  believe  them  to  be  true,*  but  regarded  them  as  mere  cam- 
paign canards;  while,  in  his  own  especial  district,  there  lived  a  large  class  of 
persons,  mechanics  and  laborers,  who  had  been  greatly  benefited  by  the  numerous 
public  works  which  he  had  inaugurated,  added  to  the  fact  that  he  was  personally  a 
generous  and  kind-hearted  man,  though  proving  so  utterly  unscrupulous  in  his 
management  of  the  public  funds.  With  his  election,  Tammany,  as  a  society,  had 
nothing  to  do. 

The  tendency  of  human  nature  to  select  from  among  a  combination  of  crim- 
inals one  as  a  special  scapegoat,  appears  to  be  inherent  in  the  human  race.  And 
thus  it  happened  that  the  name  of  Tweed  has  been  the  representative  chosen  to 
bear  all  the  sins  of  the  fraudulent  conspirators  of  1870-71.  It  is.  however,  the 
proper  task  of  the  historian  to  trace  effects  to  their  causes,  and,  as  it  is  self-evident 
that  no  one  man  can  create  legislation  to  suit  himself,  without  the  aid  of  many 


•  That  William  M.  Tweed  rated  well  at  this  time  In  public  estimation,  we  refer  to 
the  fact  that  he  was  selected  to  introduce  the  Bill  Incorporating  the  Lennox  Library, 
January  12.  1870. 


MM, 

others,  we  propose  to  see  who  chose  minis  were     Thai  frauds  of  re  or  less 

magnitude  had  been  going  on  for  some  time  previous  to  [870  is  tolerablj 
certain,  bui  in  thai  year  was  passed,  in  the  Legislature,  al  Ubany,  an  "amended," 
or,  more  truly  speaking,  an  altered  charter  for  the  Citj  of  New  York,  since  known 
as  the  "  Tweed  ( lharter."     I  low  was  tins  accomplished? 

The  Legislature  of  1X117,  "amended"  the  City  Charter  by  providing  thai  six 
Supervisors  should  be  chosen  by  a  Board  selected  from  the  two  political  parties 
To  the  inexperienced  this  seemed  jusl  and  fair;    to    the    astulte    politician    the 
result    was    seen    to    be    fatal.      It    naturally    opened    the    wa\     to    vicious    deals. 
because  neither  party  could   he   held    responsible    for   the   acts   of   the    Board, 
cutting    off      at      the      same      time      the      watchful      criticism     of     opponents. 
If  the  political  complexion  of  the  Hoard  had  been  wholly  or  mainly  composed  of 
one  political  tint,  the  city  would  have  been  the  gainer;  for,  under  the  equal  divis 
ion    system,    whatever    was     wrongly    done,    neither     party     felt     disposed    to 
bring  public  censure  upon  its  proceedings.     Just  at  this  juncture,  Mr.  A.  (  )akey 
Hall  was  elected  Mayor.     'Tweed  was  already  in  the  State  Senate:  and,  as  siil.se 
quently  appeared,  actually  controlled  a  majority  of  that  body,  through  the  sub- 
stantial considerations  he  had  it  in  his  power  to  offer.     The  Charter  which  he  so 
successfully  engineered  through,  gave  all  the  power  of  the  local  administration 
into  the  hands  of  four  persons,  viz.,  the  Mayor,  the  Comptroller,  the  Commissioner 
of  Public  Works,  and  the  Commissioner  of  Parks,  not  by  the  title  of  these  offices 
merely,  but  by  name  to  the  persons  then  in  possession  of  these  offices — Hall,  Con- 
nolly, Tweed  and  Sweeney — for  periods  varying  from  four  to  eight  years;  so,  that 
no  matter  how  these  departments  were  conducted,  or  misconducted,  citizens  had 
no  remedy. 

This  charter  had  passed  the  Assembly  without  special  trouble,  but  would 
have  been  blocked  in  the  Senate,  probably  as  a  Democratic  measure,  had  not 
Tweed  foreseen  and  provided  for  the  anticipated  obstruction.  He  simply  bought 
up  eight  Republican  Senators,  which  gave  him  sufficient  votes  to  get  the  bill 
through.  Most  of  this  venal  bargaining  was  brought  about  by  the  promise  of 
certain  offices  being  reserved  for  the  unfaithful  Republicans.  That  these  facts 
were  substantiated  at  the  time  of  their  occurrence,  it  is  only  necessary  to  refer  to 
the  daily  papers  of  that  date  to  be  convinced.  The  New  York  Times  boldly  com- 
mended the  Tammany  party  for  its  good  faith,  saying,  four  days  after  the  division 
of  offices  had  been  made:  "  The  Tweed  party  has  not  manifested  the  slightest 
disposition  to  evade  its  bargain,  or  to  prevaricate.  .  .  .  There  was  some- 
thing to  be  bought,  and  plenty  of  money  to  buy  it." 

On  August  17,  1870,  there  appeared  in  the  Times  the  following  explanation 
of  how  the  charter  was  obtained:  "Tweed  and  Sweeney  had  the  votes  already 
bought  up,  of  all  the  Republican  Senators,  only  one  (Thayer)  voted  against  it." 
Again,  the  same  paper  asserted,  April  12,  1871.  "That  but  for  the  aid  of  the 
Republicans,  the  Tammany  Democracy  might  have  been  beaten  by  Democratic 
resistance,"  and,  later,  reiterated  that  "  the  charter  could  not  have  been  passed 
without  the  help  of  the  Republicans,  and  that  the  credit  is  as  much  theirs  as  it  is 
that  of  the  Tweed  Democracy."  In  1870  this  same  Times  had  ridiculed  the  efforts 
of  the  Reform  Union  League,  and  exulted  in  Tweed's  success.  But  in  1871  it  had 
materially  changed  its  tone,  saying,  on  August  17,  1871 :  "There  were  a  few 
indignant  protests  against  the  scheme,  uttered  by  such  high-toned  Democrats  as 


Samuel  J.  Tilden,  but  they  were  without  effect,  for  Tweed  and  Sweeney  had  the 
votes  already  bought  up."  Besides  this  venal  Legislature,  were  not  the  .corrupt 
subsidized  judges,  the  Broadway  Bank  (which  facilitated  the  operations  of  the 
ring),  and  the  contractors,  manufacturers  and  mechanics,  who  were  paid  fraudu- 
lent and  forged  bills,  all  parties  to  the  crimes  of  Tweed?  And  does  it  not  present 
a  curious  condition  of  partisan  feeling  and  ineradicable  prejudice  that  for  over  a 
quarter  of  a  century  the  political  opponents  of  Tammany  still  continue  to  refer  to 
that  single  event  as  a  proof  that  the  Democrats  of  New  York  city  are  irretrievably 
corrupt,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  it  was  the  most  distinguished  Democrat  in 
the  city  and  State  who  brought  the  head  conspirator  to  justice;  also  persistently 
ignoring  the  fact  that  Tammany  Hall  promptly  ejected  from  its  councils  and  mem- 
bership all  concerned  in  the  frauds — continuing  to  talk,  even  up  to  this  day,  as  if 
the  deplorable  incident  of  1871  was  a  permanent  condition  of  the  Columbian 
Order. 

To  add  to  the  measure  of  Republican  inconsistency,  in  this  respect,  it  is  only 
necessary  to  recall  the  immensely  greater  and  more  permanently  corrupting  kinds 
of  frauds  which  have  been  either  excused,  tolerated,  or  applauded  by  the  "party 
of  all  the  virtues."  A  really  amusing  confirmation  of  this  statement  is  furnished 
by  that  staunch  Republican,  Stephen  M.  Allen,  in  his  book  entitled  "  The  Old  and 
New  Republican  parties."  On  pp.  166-238,  he  gives  an  epitome  of  what  each 
administration  had  done  for  the  country,  from  Washington's  to  the  end  of  Ruther- 
ford B.  Hayes';  but,  apparently  appalled  at  the  corruption  of  Grant's,  he  does  not 
venture  to  describe  that  administration,  but,  instead,  gives  a  sketch  of  the 
General's  personal  military  career! 


CHAPTER    XXXVI. 


THE    GREELY    CAMPAIGN, 

\'K  of  the  curious  episodes  of  the  Tamm'any  Society's  history  is 
the  part  taken  by  the  organization  in  the  National  political 
campaign  of  [872,  in  which  a  large  portion  of  the  Democratic 
Forces  worked  and  voted  for    their    life-long    opponent    and 

former  merciless  critic,  Horace  Greely,  the  sometime  Whig, 
and,  later,  Republican  editor  of  the  Tribune.  There  were  two 
potent  causes  which  led  to  this  extraordinary  proceeding.  The  first  reason, 
undoubtedly,  was  that  there  was  no  reasonable  prospect  of  the  Democracy  being 
able  to  elect  a  candidate  of  their  own,  and  the  candidate  of  the  Republicans  was 
more  objectionable  than  the  vituperative  editor,  who  was,  at  least,  honest,  and  ' 
fought  fair.  But  a  better  and  affirmative  reason  was  found  in  the  fact  that  the 
platform  adopted  by  the  original  Greely  men  was  such  as  any  Democrat  could 
support  without  serious  objections.  In  1872  the  Grant  Administration  was  so 
Strongly  entrenched,  and  was  using  the  opportunities  of  power  with  such  a  lavish, 
not  to  say  unscrupulous  hand,  that  the  case  looked  hopeless  of  any  improvement 
to  be  expected  from  his  party.  But  light,  at  last,  broke  out  from  an  unlooked 
for  quarter;  there  was  actually  a  revolt  among  the  Republicans  themselves. 
Some  of  the  more  thoughtful  and  conscientious  among  them  perceived,  with  pro- 
phetic vision,  the  centralizing  and  corrupting  tendencies  of  the  partisan  majority 
in  Congress,  and  determined  to  try  and  stem  the  tide  of  extravagance  and  cor- 
ruption that  threatened  to  overwhelm  the  nation. 

The  reforming  party  took  the  name  of  Liberal  Republicans.  Their  imme- 
diate object  was  to  bring  the  people  back  to  a  sense  of  the  danger  which  a 
continued  violation  of  constitutional  obligations  involved.  This  was  in  exact 
accordance  with  the  opinions  of  all  conservative  Democrats,  and  proved  a  great 
attraction  to  them.  A  convention  was  called  to  meet  at  Cincinnati,  from  whence 
the  leaders,  in  this  movement,  issued  an  address,  justifying  their  repudiation  of  the 
old  Republican  party.  In  this  address  they  say:  That  the  administration 
(Grant's)  now  in  power  has  wantonly  disregarded  the  laws  of  the  land,  and 
usurped  powers  not  granted  by  the  Constitution,  and  has  acted  as  if  the  laws  were 
only  made  for  those  governed,  and  not  for  those  who  govern;  thus  striking  at 
the  fundamental  principles  of  constitutional  government,  and  the  liberty  of  the 
citizen.  .  The  President  has  used  his  office  for  personal  ends,  has  kept  about  him 
corrupt  and  unworthy  men,  and  has  stimulated  demoralization  by  rewarding  those 
who  made  him  valuable  presents,  keeping  others  in  office  by  the  unscrupulous  use 
of  power."    The  convention  invited  the  co-operation  of  all  patriotic  citizens. 

The  platform  put  forth  by  this  body  of  Liberal  Republicans  was  received  with 
great  favor  by  the  leading  Democrats  of  the  country.  Horatio  Seymour  was  one 
of  the  first  to  come  out  publicly  in  its  favor.  Its  principal  features  were  as  fol- 
lows: "The  recognition  of  the  equality  of  all  men  before  the  law.  The  inviola- 
bility of  the  Constitutional  Amendments.     Universal  amnesty.     Local  self-gov- 


ernment.  Impartial  suffrage.  The  reform  of  the  civil  service.  The  remission 
of  the  tariff  question  to  the  action  of  Congress.  The  sacredness  of  the  public 
credit.  Opposition  to  farther  land  grants  to  corporations.  A  dignified,  but 
peaceful  foreign  policy."  Such  a  platform  could  not  fail  to  receive  the  approba- 
tion of  all  liberal  Democrats;  but  that  the  Liberal  Republicans  could  not  find  a 
more  fit  candidate  than  Horace  Greely  is  one  of  those  political  mysteries  which 
has  never  been  explained,  probably  because  it  is  inexplicable,  except,  possibly,  on 
the  supposition  that  all  clear-headed  politicians  knew  that  electoral  success  was- 
impossible,  and  the  reformers  were  well  aware  that  all  their  candidate  could  be 
was  a  figure-head,  and,  therefore,  they  could  get  no  one  else  to  accept  the  role 
of  standing  up  merely  for  the  purpose  of  being  knocked  down.  Probably  there 
was  not  a  man  in  the  United  States  who  believed  Greely  could  be  elected  but 
Horace  himself. 

A  Liberal  Republican  and  Democratic  rally  took  place  at  Cooper  Institute  on 
the  first  of  November,  on  which  occasion  Mr.  Augustus  Schell  nominated  John 
Kelly  for  Chairman,  as  "  a  sterling  Democrat  and  an  honest  man."  The  nomi- 
nees of  the  Liberal  Republicans  were  adopted  at  this  meeting;  they  were  also- 
adopted  by  Tammany  Hall,  by  the  National  Reformed  Democracy,  and,  indi- 
rectly, by  the  Apollo  Hall  faction,  which  had  some  time  previously  broken  away 
from  the  old  Wigwam.  It  is  also  to  be  noted  that  at  this  ensuing  election  Tam- 
many Hall  supported,  for  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court,  W.  H.  Leonard,  the  judge 
before  whom  the  famous  "  ring  "  suits  had  been  tried. 

Greely  received  a  popular  vote  of  2,834,079.  Grant's  majority  was  762,991. 
A  sufficiently  crushing  defeat,  but  it  was  worse  in  the  Electoral  College,  in  which 
Greely  received  only  the  vote  of  five  States.  He  was  really  the  victim  of  a 
political  combination  formed  under  the  impulse  of  the  popular  saying,  "  Anything 
to  beat  Grant,"  but  the  movement  was  defeated,  in  the  main,  by  the  "  soldier 
vote,"  on  sentimental  rather  than  on  political  grounds.  Horace  Greely  died  a  few 
weeks  after  his  defeat,  worn  out  with  mental  and  physical  exertion,  increased  by  a 
domestic  calamity,  disappointment,  and,  above  and  worse  than  all,  the  loss  of  his 
controlling  position  on  the  Tribune,  which  had  passed  into  other  hands.  It  was 
frequently  said,  publicly,  during  the  exciting  contest  of  1892,  that  David  B.  Hill 
was  the  first  and  only  aspirant  for  the  Presidency  that  ever  made  a  personal 
canvas  in  his  own  behalf.  This  is  not  true.  Mr.  Greely  took  the  stump  for  him- 
self and  his  ticket,  going  to  speak  in  nearly  all  of  the  Eastern,  Middle  and  South- 
ern States.  With  the  most  damaging  result,  as  above  stated,  he  had,  however,, 
the  grace  to  defer  this  tour  until  after  his  nomination. 


(   II  M'TKK     XXXVII. 


FOURTH  OF  JULY  1873. 


y  1873  Tainniain  had  almost  entirely  recovered  from  the  shock 
inflicted  upon  her  by  the  expelled  members,  and  the  annual 
celebration  of  that  year  was  carried  out  with  a  fresh  infusion 
of  enthusiasm.  The  marked  feature  of  this  occasion  was  the 
very  special  interest  which  was  awakened  by  the  reading  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence;  a  stranger  might  have 
imagined  that,  instead  of  its  being  a  document  which  they  knew  by  heart,  it  was 
being  listened  to  for  the  first  time.  There  was  a  cause  for  tins.  A  great  many 
Democrats,  at  that  period,  fell  that  the  general  government  was  usurping  powers 
somewhat  alter  the  fashion  of  royal  rulers,  and  when  that  portion  of  the  Declara- 
tion was  reached  containing  the  colonists'  indictment  of  their  oppressor,  King 
George,  with  his  unjustifiable  taxation,  and  the  annoyance  of  his  meddlesome 
troops,  many  of  those  present  thought  they  perceived  a  striking  resemblance  in 
the  conduct  of  the  Federal  government,  especially  in  the  partially  reconstructed 
States,  and  thi'  audience  manifested  this  appreciation  in  a  very  lively  manner. 

Mr.  Clarkson  X.  Totter  was  the  orator  of  the  day.  After  referring  to  the 
material  prosperity  of  the  country  and  its  "growing  political  corruption,"  as  he 
expressed  it.  he  could  not  forbear  reverting  to  the  Society's  disaster  of  the  pre- 
ceding year.  Among  other  remarks,  he  said:  "While  men  without  principle. 
seeking  personal  profit,  through  political  organizations,  call  themselves  Republi- 
cans in  Philadelphia,  and  Democrats  in  New  York,  in  order  to  wield  the  influence, 
and  control  the  patronage  of  the  party,  for  personal  and  selfish  ends,  until  only 
now  and  then  some  flagrant  enormity  raises  a  temporary  indignation,  and  the 
unworthy  are  driven  out  as  these  walls  hear  witness,  from  the  power  which 
they  have  ahused,  and  from  the  shelter  of  the  names  and  the  society  which  they 
have  outraged."  lie  then  earnestly  besought  his  audience  to  revert  to  the  "old 
gospel  of  government,"  namely,  that  this  Union  of  States  and  its  government  was 
created  for  the  benefit  of  the  governed,  not  for  the  benefit  of  the  party  governing, 
including  the  theory  that  power  should  be  legally  localized,  as  likely  to  be  better 
administered  thus;  for  the  reason  that  local  authorities  were  nearer  to  and  better 
acquainted  with  the  needs  of  the  people  whom  they  represented. 
Resenting  the  charge  that  Democrats  had  favored  the  continuance  of  slavery,  he 
said:  "Those  Democrats  who  espoused  the  cause  of  the  South  did  so,  not 
because  they  favored  slavery,  but  they  favored  the  States  as  States  which  had 
helped  to  form  the  Union,  and  whose  rights  as  States  were  encroached  upon." 

Hon.  Abraham  Lawrence  followed  in  some  very  energetic  and  practical 
remarks,  in  which  he  warned  the  members  of  the  organization  that  if  they  would 
fully  recover  their  standing  and  perpetuate  Democratic  principles,  they  could  only 
hope  to  do  so  by  putting  forward  as  candidates  for  office,  pure,  able  and  honest 
men.  who  are  desirous  of  giving  the  city  good  government,  men  who  believe  in 
economy — not  meaning  by  that  to  stop  public  works,  hut  to  stop  squandering 


114 

and  extravagance.  Hon.  S.  S.  Cox,  in  his  brilliant  manner,  after  other  pertinent 
remarks,  quoted  Governor  Dix  as  affirming  that  "Democracy  and  National  Free- 
dom are  identical." 

Among  the  many  cheering  letters  received  on  this  occasion  we  can  make 
space  for  only  one  from  ex-Governor  Horatio  Seymour.  He  addressed  the 
Grand  Sachem  thus:  "  I  feel  a  deep  interest  in  everything  which  concerns  your 
ancient  and  honorable  Society.  If  at  any  time  its  history  has  been  stained  by  the 
conduct  of  unworthy  men,  we  must  bear  in  mind  that  their  control  was  short  lived 
in  comparison  with  its  long  continued  and  patriotic  record.  The  best  and  wisest 
citizens  of  our  country  have  been  proud  to  be  ranked  among  its  members.  It 
would  be  a  public  loss  if  one  of  the  oldest  societies  in  our  country  should  be 
allowed  to  lose  any  of  its  activity  or  usefulness,  and  especially  a  society  which  can 
show  such  a  long  list  of  distinguished  members,  unequaled  by  any  other  corpora- 
tion in  our  land.  If  at  any  time  it  has  been  perverted  from  its  proper  purposes, 
honest  and  high-toned  men  must  take  charge  of  its  management,  and  restore  it  to 
its  old  and  honored  position.  ...  I  believe  your  Society  is  about  to  enter 
upon  a  renewed  course  of  usefulness.  I  know  that  good  citizens  of  all  political 
parties  approve  of  your  efforts  to  make  it  again  a  society  which  aims  to  advance 
the  welfare  of  our  people,  and  to  uphold  good  government. 

"I  am  truly  yours, 
"  July  2,  1873.  "  Horatio  Seymour." 


JOHN  KELLY. 


"5 

CHAPTER    WW  III 

JOHN  KELLY. 

MONG  the  more  modern  Sachems  oJ  the  Tammanj  Society 
none  has  been  more  popular,  for  a  time  at  least,  than  John 
Kelly,  lie  was  a  native  of  the  City  of  New  York,  and  early 
identified  himself  with  the  Democratic  party,  which  practically 
meant  the  Tammany  Society;  for,  in  his  early  manhood,  there- 
was  no  other  organization  of  any  importance  calling  itself 
Democratic.  He  was  a  faithful  and  energetic  worker,  maintaining  his  friendly 
relations  with  the  Wigwam  until  the  troublous  times  of  187 1,  when  he  temporarily 
withdrew.  For  many  years  Mr.  Kelly  was  always  spoken  of  with  the  popular 
prefix  of  "  Honest."  It  was  when  he  was  in  Congress,  in  1857,  that  this  sobriquet 
was  first  applied  to  him;  it  was  the  favorite  term  with  which  General  Lewis  Cass 
was  accustomed  to  speak  of  him.  Another  of  his  fellow-Congressmen,  and  one 
not  noted  for  his  love  of  Northern  politicians,  had  marked  the  absolute  integrity 
of  Mr.  Kelly's  course  in  Congress.  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  of  Georgia,  said  of 
•him,  after  an  acquaintance  of  twenty-five  years,  addressing  a  fellow-member:  "  I 
have  often  said,  and  I  now  repeat  it,  that  I  regard  John  Kelly  as  the  ablest,  the 
purest  and  the  truest  statesman  I  have  ever  met  with  from  New  York."  Kelly 
made  his  mark  in  Congress  more  especially  in  his  arguments  against  the  pro- 
posed measures  of  the  Know-Nothing  party.  He  had  been  elected  to  a  second 
term,  when,  in  1866,  he  was  elected  to  the  lucrative  office  of  Sheriff  of  New  York. 
The  meeting  at  which  he  was  nominated  was  held  in  Masonic  Hall  on  November 
18th,  and  was  presided  over  by  the  Hon.  Nelson  J.  Waterbury,  who  introduced 
him  as  the  "  reform  candidate."  The  object  of  these  reforming  Democrats  was 
to  wrest  the  power  from  the  corrupt  junta  and  their  Republican  allies  at  that  time 
maladministering  the  affairs  of  Tammany,  as  well  as  of  the  city. 

The  Republican  convention  was  held  the  next  day,  on  which  occasion  the 
members  of  that  party  in  collusion  with  the  Tweed  ring  sought  to  force  through 
a  straight  Republican  ticket  (knowing  that  it  could  not  be  elected),  as  the  best 
way  to  secure  the  election  of  A.  O.  Hall.  But  there  were  obstacles  to  this  plan; 
for  there  was  a  considerable  body  of  reformers  at  that  time  in  the  Republican,  as 
well  as  in  the  Democratic  party.  Some  of  these  favored  the  nomination  of  Kelly 
for  Mayor,  but  not  all.  In  this  muddled  condition  of  affairs  the  influential  Herald 
most  unexpectedly  came  out  against  Mr.  Kelly,  on  the  somewhat  illogical,  absurd 
ground  that  he  had  been  sufficiently  honored  already.  The  editor,  Bennett,  who 
knew  John  Kelly  personally,  said,  in  his  paper:  "John  Kelly  is  a  good  citizen, 
and  a  respectable  man,  but  he  has  been  elected  by  the  Tammany  Democrats,  to 
whom  he  owes  all  his  past  political  favors,  to  the  offices  of  Councilman,  Alderman, 
Member  of  Congress,  and  twice  to  the  valuable  office  of  Sheriff  of  New  York, 
being  the  only  man,  we  believe,  who  has  held  that  office  a  second  time.  We 
should  think  he  would  be  satisfied,  and  give  place  to  others  who  have  not  enjoyed 
such  good  fortune." 


n6 

Later,  on  November  20,  1868,  the  Herald  came  out  in  favor  of  Mr.  Hall  for 
Mayor  of  New  York,  and  wound  up  this  tergiversation  by  roundly  denouncing 
John  Kelly  for  "  deserting  Tammany  Hall,  and  joining  with  the  enemies  of 
Tweed."  But  the  Herald  was  not  exactly  omnipotent  in  the  land — the  voters  had 
something  to  say.  And  in  the  position  which  Kelly  had  taken  he  was  supported 
by  all  the  most  lespectable  Democrats  of  the  country. 


The  names  of  the  Sachems  in  the  years  1871 — 72,  and  a  comparison  of  these 
with  those  of  1872 — 73,  will  show  plainly  enough,  to  those  familiar  with  New 
York  society,  the  immense  change  which  was  involved  in  the  overthrow  of  the 
former.  In  1871  we  have  the  following  names  of  the  most  influential  officers, 
viz.,  Tweed,  Connolly,  Sweeney,  Hall,  Dowling  and  Garvey,  with  others. 
In  the  latter  part  of  1872  and  1873  we  find  the  Grand  Sachem  Augustus 
Schell,  and  of  the  Sachems  such  honorable  gentlemen  as  Charles  O'Connor, 
Samuel  J.  Tilden,  John  Kelly,  Horatio  Seymour,  Sanford  E.  Church,  August 
Belmont,  Abram  S.  Hewitt,  and  other  names  of  that  quality.  The  Committee  of 
Seventy,  which  began  the  work  of  demolition  so  valiantly,  as  is  usually  the  case 
where  large  numbers  are  concerned,  had  really  left  nearly  all  the  practical  work  in 
a  few  hands.  Tilden  and  O'Connor  manipulated  the  fine  law-points,  but  it  took 
John  Kelly  to  manage  the  rank  and  file. 

At  this  time  Kelly  could  have  had  any  office  which  he  desired,  but  he  would 
accept  none,  not  wishing  to  give  any  possible  occasion  to  the  thought  that  he  was 
working  against  his  old  associates  for  personal  ends.  But  he  it  was  who  really 
won  the  battle- in  the  convention  which  met  to  make  nominations  in  1872.  At 
that  meeting,  on  its  first  session,  the  hall  was  crowded  with  the  most  noisy,  coarse 
and  disreputable  followers  of  the  old  gang;  and  to  overcome  this  element  involved 
the  severest  political  struggle  ever  fought  out  in  the  local  politics  of  the  Empire 
State.  On  this  occasion  Mr.  Kelly  had  to  confront  an  organization  which  held 
the  enormous  influence  growing  out  of  the  employment  of  twelve  thousand  work- 
men, and  the  disbursement  of  a  revenue  of  $30,000,000  a  year;  as  also  the  machin- 
ery which  dominated  the  judiciary,  and  indirectly  influenced  the  officers  of  elec- 
tion. Here  was  a  combination  of  forces  which  might  well  have  appalled  the 
stoutest  heart.     But  Kelly  did  not  shrink  from  the  unequal  contest. 

Among  the  obstreperous  "  ring  "  men  was  one  Harry  Genet,  the  leader  of  a 
•contingent  which  included  a  good  sprinkling  of  known  gamblers  and  prize 
fighters.  By  this  unsavory  element,  Samuel  B.  Garvey  was  named  for 
the  office  of  District  Attorney,  amid  the  vociferous  applause  of  his  rowdy  follow- 
ers. Kelly  immediately  took  the  floor  to  oppose  him,  but  was  interrupted  by 
Genet.  Turning  upon  the  latter,  Mr.  Kelly,  in  the  plainest  and  most  scathing 
language,  arraigned  both  him  and  his  nominee  with  the  most  searching  severity; 
and,  though  frequently  interrupted  by  howls  and  hisses,  from  the  disorderly  ele- 
iment  present,  he  kept  the  mob  well  under  restraint,  until  catching  the  eye  of  the 
Chairman,  Augustus  Schell,  he  moved  an  adjournment  until  three  o'clock  the 
•next  day.  Mr.  Schell,  understanding  that  Kelly  had  some  special  motive  for  his 
motion,  put  the  question  at  once,  and  it  was  carried,  in  spite  of  the  protest  of  the 
Genet  men. 

Punctually  the  next  day  the  same  emissaries  of  the  "  ring  "  appeared  before 


"7 


Tammany  Hall  in  great  force,  bul  now,  Kell)  knowing  what  to  expect,  u,-is  pre 
pared  for  this  kind  of  gentry:  He  had  a  strong  force  stationed  at  the  doors,  an<l 
no  man  not  a  delegate  t<>  the  convention,  and  not  provided  with  a  delegate's 
ticket,  was  allowed  to  enter  the  building.  The  police  and  the  city  authorities  were 
then  on  the  side  oi  the  desperadoes,  but  not  a  policeman  was  admitted  within. 
This  bold  action  of  Mi.  Kelly's  had  the  desired  effect.  By  his  personal  intrepid 
ity,  his  knowledge  Of  the  material  he  had  to  overcome,  and  his  ample  preparation 
to  resist  attack,  he  had  won  the  battle,  and  held  the  field.  Xone  but  delegates  got 
into  the  convention;  (iarvcy  was  defeated,  and  Charles  Donahue  was  nominated 
for  District  Attorney,  and  Abram  Lawrence  for  Mayor.  It  was  in  that  day's 
fighl  for  supremacy  that  the  spirit  of  the  ring-heelers  was  quenched  beyond 
re(  uperation. 

So  far  we  have  found  Mr.  Kelly  acting  for  the  good  of  the  Democratic  party, 
and  maintaining  the  respect  <>f  his  friends  and  also  of  his  political  enemies.  In 
1884,  apparently  from  personal  feeling  of  antipathy — he  was  charged  with  having 
hindered,  rather  than  helped,  the  nominee  of  the  Democartic  party,  (drover  Cleve- 
land. He  was  always  too  much  inclined  to  allow  his  personal  feelings  to  dominate 
his  political  actions,  a  bad  fault  in  a  great  leader.  To  be  permanently  suc- 
cessful, a  leader  of  men  must  always  keep  his  emotional  nature  in  subjection,  and 
personal  antipathies  should  have  no  influence  in  directing  his  course.  Just  here 
is  where  John  Kelly  erred. 


CHAPTER   XXXIX. 

POLITICAL  CONDITIONS  IN  1876-79. 

PRESIDENTIAL  year  is,  of  course,  always  a  busy  time  for 
those  active  in  political  affairs;  and  Tammany  representatives 
were  no  exceptions  to  the  rule.  At  this  period  the  Irving 
Hall  party  was  in  full  bloom,  and,  during  the  whole  season  of 
political  activity,  both  formal  and  informal  attempts  were 
made  to  effect,  if  not  an  entire  reconciliation,  at  least  some 
kind  of  accommodation  between  the  old  organization  and  this  new  claimant  for 
Democratic  recognition.  It  was  certainly  desirable  that  they  should  not  nullify 
each  other's  work,  to  the  general  detriment  of  the  party  they  both  professed  to 
represent  in  the  City  of  New  York. 

As  early  as  February  14th  the  Tammany  General  Committee  met  at  the  hall, 
with  Augustus  Schell  in  the  chair.  The  principal  object  of  this  meeting  was, 
indeed,  to  protest  against  the  dilatory  measures  of  the  Administration,  in  failing 
to  restore  the  Southern  States  to  their  constitutional  place  in  the  Union.  But,  as 
this  matter  was  so  fully  taken  np  and  discussed,  at  their  annual  meeting  in  July, 
we  refer  our  readers  to  the  account  of  that  meeting  for  the  full  expression  of 
Tammany's  opinion  on  that  subject.  One  of  the  points,  however,  discussed  at 
this  meeting  challenges  special  notice.  It  was  concerning  a  clause  in  one 
of  the  resolutions  offered,  in  which  a  general  amnesty  for  all  who  had  been 
engaged  on  the  Confederate  side  was  advocated — with  the  sole  exception  of 
Jefferson  Davis.  Mr.  Abram  S.  Hewitt  opposed  the  exception,  on  the  sole 
ground  that  it  would,  in  effect,  honor  the  arch-rebel  by  distinguishing  him  above 
all  others.  It  would,  he  argued,  draw  attention  to  him  as  if  he  was  of  more  con- 
sequence than  all  the  rest  combined,  which  was  not  true  in  fact.  Mr.  Hewitt  said, 
substantially,  "  let  him  remain,  undistinguished  among  the  crowd."  The  matter 
of  securing  a  union  of  the  Democratic  factions  was  discussed,  but  no  precise  plan 
was  adopted  at  this  time.     Matters  looked  complicated. 

In  addition  to  the  Irving  Hall  anti-Tammany  Democrats,  there  was  also  an 
anti-Tammany  Young  Men's  Club,  which  sometimes  met  in  Union  Square.  On 
October  12th,  there  was  a  prolonged  conference  between  all  the  opposing  forces 
and  Tammany.  The  anti-Tammanyites  were  led  at  this  time  by  O'Brien,  with 
John  Morrissey  as  second.  Committees  and  sub-committees  went  back  and  forth 
between  the  old  Wigwam  and  the  bolters,  and,  finally,  two  reports  were  brought 
in.  From  the  Young  Men's  meeting  O'Brien  reported  that  no  arrangement  was 
possible,  as  Tammany's  terms  could  not  be  accepted;  but  Morrissey,  who  was 
also  on  the  conference  committee,  wanted  to  get  back  into  the  fold,  "  at  any  cost." 
At  Irving  Hall  Mr.  Ira  Shafcr  reported  *'  that  Tammany  wanted  all  the  good 
offices,"  but  here,  also,  Morrissey  recommended  that  Tammany's  terms  be 
accepted.  However,  no  terms  were  arrived  at,  and  up  to  the  middle  of  November 
the  Democracy  were  still  disunited. 

It  came  out  that  the  Irving  Hall  party  asked,  as  its  share,  the  selection  of 
one-third  of  the  Assemblymen,  one-third  of  the  Aldermen  and  two  Congress- 


ii9 

men.  This  was  flatly  refused  by  the  Tammany  Committee  of  Conference,  the 
latter  finally  deciding  to  refer  all  the  nominations  to  the  District  Conventions, 

which  were,  in  fact,  elected  to  nominate  for  the  offices  involved  in  this  discussion. 

Subsequently  the  Irving  party  attempted  to  make  a  deal  with  the  Republicans, 

but  this  failed.  At  a  meeting  which  was  held  in  Irving  Hall  on  October  30th 
Mr.  Shafer  reported  "that  it  was  nnadvisahle  to  make  terms  with  the  Republi- 
cans," Mr.  O'Brien  adding  that  "the  Republicans  had  acted  very  treacherously," 
but  he  still  proposed  to  scorn  the  favors  of  Tammany.  (  )nly  a  partial  ticket  was 
made  up,  and  that,  as  one  present  expressed  it,  was  flexible  enough  to  stretch  into 
Tammany  I  [all,  or  into  the  Controller's  office  at  Albany  (Lucius  Robinson  was  at 
this  time  State  (.  lontroller). 

In  the  meantime  Tammany  had  independently  nominated  Smith  Ely,  Jr.,  for 
Mayor,  Delano  C.  Calvin  for  Surrogate,  Bernard  Reilly  for  Sheriff,  and  Henry  A. 
Gumbleton,  for  County  Clerk.  Mr.  Gumbleton  was.  perhaps,  better 
acquainted  with  the  duties  of  his  office  than  any  other  man  who  could  at 
that  time  have  been  named.  He  had  served  in  the  office  for  six  years  as  clerk, 
and  had  then  been  promoted  to  the  position  of  Deputy  County  Clerk,  so  that  his 
nomination  was  simply  in  the  line  of  what  would  now  be  called  "  Civil  Service 
Reform."  When  it  came  in  order  to  nominate  a  Coroner,  the  name  of  Richard 
Croker  was  among  those  presented,  John  Kelly  making  a  strong  speech  in  his 
behalf. 

The  early  efforts,  in  1875,  to  procure  unanimity  between  the  New  York  fac- 
tions had  not  been  very  successful,  but  these  efforts  were  more  formally  renewed 
when  it  became  necessary  to  consider  the  selection  of  delegates  to  the  convention 
to  be  held  in  Saratoga  in  August.  With  this  important  matter  in  view,  a  meeting 
was  held  in  Tammany  Hall  to  renew  consultations  on  the  matter,  John  Kelly 
presiding.  Harmony  in  the  Democratic  ranks  being  especially  desirable,  in  view 
of  the  approaching  Presidential  (Tilden's)  election.  Irving  Hall,  at  this  time, 
claimed  to  control  thirty-seven  thousand  votes.  After  much  parleying,  without 
coming  to  terms,  it  was  simply  agreed  to  turn  the  nominations  over  to  the 
Assembly  Districts,  the  certificates  of  which  should  be  received  as  regular. 

At  the  summer  convention  the  names  of  several  candidates  for  Governor 
were  freely  canvassed,  including  those  of  Clarkson  N.  Potter,  Senator  Schoon- 
maker,  Horatio  Seymour  and  others.  To  the  rank  and  file  of  the  Democracy  Mr. 
Lucius  Robinson  was  considered  in  the  light  of  a  semi-Republican,  and  to  the 
surviving  old  Hunker  veterans  he  was  a  rock  of  offence  and  thoroughly  dis- 
trusted. Even  so  acute  an  observer  as  Thurlow  Weed  could  not  overcome  his 
prejudices  sufficiently  to  admit  that  Lucius  Robinson  was  actuated  by  principle, 
rather  than  profit  in  his  several  changes  of  front — politically  speaking.  The 
convention  finally  met  on  the  13th  of  September,  Judge  Grey  in  the  chair. 

Among  the  prominent  persons  present  and  well  forward  in  the  middle  aisle 
was,  of  course,  John  Kelly,  and  just  back  of  him  could  be  seen  the  silent  manager 
of  Kings  County  politics,  Hugh  McLaughlin;  and.  near  by,  Rufus  Peckham  and 
Judge  Hibbard,  of  Buffalo.  One  person  who  attracted  considerable  attention  was 
a  Mr.  Wilkinson,  who  was  also  delegated  to  the  Unitarian  Convention,  which  was 
sitting  at  the  same  time  in  Saratoga.  Of  him  some  wicked  wit  declared, 
"Wilkinson  is  a  Democrat  to-day:  he  will  take  a  bath,  and  be  a  Unitarian  to- 
morrow." 


On  the  roll-call  John  Kelly's  name  was  the  first  to  bring  out  any  applause. 
However,  he  declined  to  be  put  upon  the  electoral  ticket,  and  ex-Governor  Sey- 
mour was  substituted.  One  delegate  made  himself  especially  but  not 
altogether  agreeably,  prominent,  by  exploiting  himself,  in  a  very  extravagant 
eulogy,  on  Mr.  Kelly,  pledging  him  his  everlasting  allegiance,  and,  by  his 
uncalled  for  eloquence,  helping  to  break  the  unusually  serious  spirit  prevailing  in 
this  convention.  Hope  was  not  exactly  the  predominant  feeling  on  this  occasion. 
There  was  not  a  very  strong  feeling  of  confidence  in  the  leaders,  who  had  decided 
to  bring  forward  Mr.  Robinson's  name.  In  fact,  Governor  Seymour  had  been 
privately  approached  to  ascertain  if  he  would  accept  the  nomination,  but  he  had 
positively  declined,  and  to  each  of  the  other  names  suggested  there  appeared  to 
be  a  lack  of  enthusiasm  in  their  professed  friends. 

'  To  the  surprise  of  many  of  the  delegates,  when  the  call  was  made,  all  of  the 
first  Counties  proved  to  be  for  Robinson,  as  was  also  the  important  County  of 
Kings.  The  Tammany  delegates  voted  for  Clarkson  N.  Potter,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  Peter  B.  Olney,  Edward  Cooper  and  Thomas  Mesmer,  who  voted  for 
Robinson.  This  break  from  the  unit  rule  was  greeted  with  hearty  cheers.  Mr. 
Joseph  J.  O'Donohue  shouted  out  that  he  voted  for  a  Democrat  (Potter),  thus 
striving  to  emphasise  his  objection  to  Robinson.  He  was  answered  by  Emanuel 
B.  Hart  with  the  words,  "  A  Democrat?  Then  vote  for  Schoonmaker."  But 
there  was  little  in  this  convention  of  the  spirit  of  fun  and  gaiety  which  sometimes 
prevail  in  political  gatherings.  The  heavy  shadow  of  sixteen  years  of  Republican 
rule,  with  the  possibility  of  at  last  breaking  it,  by  the  election  of  Tilden,  caused  an 
air  of  seriousness,  somewhat  unusual  to  predominate. 

It  was  soon  found  out  that  nearly  all  the  county  delegations  favi  •'•-''  Robin- 
son; the  scattering  votes  were  given  up,  and  Robinson's  majority,  as  first 
announced,  was  one  hundred  and  ninety-two  and  a  half,  one  hundred  and  ninety- 
one  only  being  necessary  to  a  choice.  The  final  result  was  practically  unanimity, 
giving  him  two  hundred  forty-three  and  a  half.  Nevertheless,  the  Republicans 
fully  expected  to  defeat  Mr.  Robinson  at  the  polls,  on  several  grounds.  For  one 
reason,  the  powerful  canal  interest  was  against  him,  on  account  of  his  favoring 
high  tolls;  then  he  had  run  twice  for  State  offices,  and  several  times  for  the  Legis- 
lature, on  the  Republican  ticket;  hence  they  thought  the  Democratic  Bourbons 
would  bolt  the  nomination.  The  then  editor  of  the  Tribune,  Mr.  Greely,  usually 
well  informed  as  to  political  outlooks,  on  receiving  the  news  of  the  result  of  the 
Democratic  convention,  thus  wrote,  September  13,  1876:  "There  is  not  a  word 
to  be  said  against  Mr.  Lucius  Robinson.  He  is  recognized  as  a  man  of  unques- 
tioned ability,  of  absolute  integrity,  and  of  valuable  public  services, 
but  the  ticket  has  no  chance  of  being  elected;  the  present  probability  is  that 
Morgan  will  go  in  with  an  easy  majority  of  from  10,000  to  15,000."  When  the 
returns  came  in,  after  the  November  election,  the  editor  of  the  Tribune  had  the 
chagrin  of  recording  a  vote  of  519,831  for  Mr.  Robinson  to  that  of  489,371  for  his 
able  opponent,  Edwin  D.  Morgan. 

Lucius  Robinson  was  of  New  England  stock,  and  a  direct  descendant  of  that 
historical  Rev.  John  Robinson  who  accompanied  the  first  band  of  Pilgrims,  flee- 
ing from  Holland,  to  the  shores  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  some  of  whose  descendents 
settled  in  Green  County,  New  York,  and  Lucius  was  one  of  that  numerous  class 


nt  American  l><>\s  \\li<»  come  <>ut  from  the  cornfields  and  the  barnyards  struggling 
for  knowledge  and  a  wider  experience,  attaining  a  collegiate  education  by  their 
own  exertions,  and  then  using  that  education  for  the  benefit  of  their  country.  Mr. 
Robinson  was  fortunate  in  his  introduction  t<»  the  legal  profession,  by  being  taken 
into  the  office  of  Judge  Amasa  Parker,  then  a  resident  of  Delhi,  \.  Y  .  Lucius 
paying  for  his  instruction  by  fulfilling  the  duties  of  clerk  and  general  helper.  In 
1837  Mr.  Robinson  was  chosen  District  Attornej  for  Green  County,  three  years 
later  coming  to  New  York  to  practice,  [n  [843  he  was  appointed,  bj  Governor 
Bouck,  Commissioner  of  Chancery,  to  which  position  he  was  reappointed  by 
Governor  Silas  Wright.  The  office  itself  was  abolished  by  Ihe  Constitutional 
Amendments  in  [846. 

Mr  Robinson  eventually  made  his  home  in  Chemung  County,  <>n  account  of 
his  health.  Up  to  this  time  he  had  always  acted  with  the  Democratic  party,  but 
he  was  strongly  opposed  to  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  was  elected  to  th«- 
Assembly  on  that  issue,  where  he  made  something  more  than  a  "  State-wide  " 
reputation.  He  was  still  a  member  of  the  Legislature  on  the  outbreak  of  the  war, 
and  was  the  author  of  the  much-discussed  "  Peace  Resolutions,"  which  were  intro- 
duced into  the  Assembly  before  the  inauguration  of  President  Lincoln,  and  which 
had  the  approval  of  Thurlow  Weed,  but  which  were  sternly  criticised  by  the  ultra 
party  leaders.  In  1861  Mr.  Robinson  was  a  member  of  the  Union  convention, 
which  met  at  Syracuse,  composed  of  both  Democrats  and  Republicans — more 
anxious  to  preserve  the  Union  than  their  party  lines. 

At  the  close  of  the  war  Mr.  Robinson  felt  that  the  work  of  the  Republican 
party  was  done,  and  his  original  affiliation  with  the  Democracy  brought  him 
back  into  their  ranks.  In  1871  Governor  Hoffman  had  appointed  him  a  member 
of  the  State  Constitutional  Commission.  In  that  convention  he  advocated  the 
same  principles  on  which  he  had  acted  when  Controller.  He  had  been  the  Demo- 
cratic nominee  for  Congress  in  1870,  but,  though  defeated,  he  greatly  reduced  the 
former  Republican  majority.  In  1872  he  supported  the  Liberals.  In  1875  he 
was  again  nominated  by  the  Democrats  for  State  Controller,  which  he  won  by  a 
handsome  plurality.  Few  men  could  have  made  the  political  changes  which  Mr. 
Robinson  did  and,  at  the  same  time,  retain  to  so  large  an  extent  the  respect  of 
men  of  all  parties. 

Tammany  has  always  been  noted  for  the  care  with  which  it  looked  after 
special  classes  of  voters,  not  permitting  any  large  body  of  citizens  to  pine  use- 
lessly for  its  paternal  sympathy.  Thus  when  the  upper  wards  known  as  the 
Annexed  Districts  were  added  to  the  metropolis,  as  the  Twenty-third  and  Twenty- 
fourth  Wards,  they  were  at  first  entrusted  to  the  oversight  of  Colonel  E.  T. 
Wood,  but  the  party  did  not  prosper  greatly,  and  some  dissatisfaction  was  felt. 
Early  in  the  "  eighties  "  the  vote  in  Wood's  district  began  to  grow  steadily  less, 
while  that  of  the  County  Democracy  was  increasing.  It  is  a  peculiarity  of  this  dis- 
trict, or  was  at  that  time,  that  a  great  deal  of  jealousy  was  latent,  and  often  came 
unpleasantly  to  the  surface,  among  the  people  living  in  the  different  villages  com- 
posing it.  Morrisana  and  Mott  Haven  were  antagonistic  to  Fordham  and  Tre- 
mont,  while  all  of  these  agreed  that  Kingsbridge  "  was  of  no  account."  Dividing 
this  old  district  into  wards  did  something  towards  removing  these  local  jealousies, 
and  a  change  in  the  leadership  helped  to  largely  increase  the  Tammany  influence. 


Another  district  was  for  some  time  a  peculiarly  baffling  one  for  the  Tammany 
leaders  to  deal  with.  This  was  the  German  district — centering  about  East  Fifth 
street.  The  reasons  which  in  times  past  inclined  it  against  the  Democratic  party 
are  not  far  to  seek.  It  partly  grew  out  of  the  Civil  War;  some  of  it  arose  out  of 
the  general  opposition  to  the  rule  of  the  Tammany  magnates  of  1871-72;  and  still 
more  from  race  antagonism  to  the  Irish-Americans,  many  of  whom  had  become 
prominent  in  the  city  Democracy.  Similar  reasons  having  affected  the  German 
race  all  over  the  country.  But  Tammany  found  a  way  to  change  all  this  by  a 
special  effort.  Seeking  out  the  most  intelligent  Germans  of  this  district  and 
encouraging  their  aspirations  for  political  influence,  selecting  the  best  of  this  class 
for  nominations  to  office,  in  preference  to  other  races.  Germans  of  prominence 
in  business  were  sought  out,  and  advised  with,  the  reforms  effected  under  Tilden's 
lead  were  made  the  most  of,  while  the  Democratic  feeling,  always  latent,  in  such 
a  population  was  skillfully  developed,  which,  with  the  natural  trend  of  that  race 
towards  free  trade  and  the  national  policy  as  represented  in  the  later  platforms  of 
the  Democratic  party  did  the  rest.  It  now  appears  unlikely  that  any  opponents 
of  Democratic  principles  will  possess  that  field  hereafter. 

In  regard  to  the  Hebrew  race,  which  has  met  with  scant  justice  at  the  hands 
of  most  politicians,  either  in  this  country  or  any  other,  Tammany  has  shown  the 
utmost  liberality.  The  position  assumed  by  the  General  Committee  is,  and  has 
been  for  many  years,  that  the  members  of  the  various  races  living  in  this  country 
are  all  an  integral  part  of  the  American  nation,  and  hence  that  they  should  all  have 
representation.  Of  the  Hebrew  race  there  are  many  thousands  in  the  City  of 
New  York.  Complaints  have  sometimes  been  made  that  these  have  been  unduly 
favored  by  Tammany,  but,  considering  their  number,  Tammany  has  accorded 
fair  representation  to  them  for  several  years. 

The  year  1879  proved  disastrous  to  Democracy,  both  in  the  State  and  city. 
Immediately  after  the  election  of  Governor  Robinson,  the  Tilden  and  Robinson 
interests  began  a  warfare  on  Tammany  Hall,  for  the  purpose  of  controlling  that 
organization.  It  was  then  surmised  to  be  in  the  interest  of  Andrew  H.  Green, 
and  to  make  him  leader.  This  aroused  antagonism  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Kelly,  its 
recognized  representative.  When  the  State  Convention  was  held  in  Syarcuse 
it  was  determined  by  the  Tilden-Robinson  faction  to  renominate  Robin- 
son, notwithstanding  the  protests  of  several  of  the  outside  State  delegates,  as  well 
as  those  of  New  York  City,  and,  ignoring  the  advice  of  Tammany  Hall,  which 
was  aided  by  the  influence  of  such  men  as  Chief  Justice  Sanford  A.  Church,  David 
Dudley  Field,  afterwards  Chief  Justice  Ruger,  and  others  of  similar  character  and 
standing.  The  consequence  was  that  the  dissatisfied  delegates  bolted  before 
Robinson  was  nominated,  held  a  delegation  in  Shakespeare  Hall,  and  nominated 
John  Kelly  for  Governor.  He  polled  some  seventy  thousand  votes;  but  the 
practical  effect  of  this  diversion  was  not  his  own  election,  but  that  of  the  Republi- 
can nominee,  Alonzo  B.  Cornell,  who  was,  in  fact,  not  popular  even  with  his  own 
party,  running  twenty  thousand  votes  behind  his  ticket.  In  the  city,  also  this 
action  of  Tammany  Hall  was  fatal  to  the  success  of  the  local  Tammany  ticket. 
The  nominee  of  the  County  Democracy  for  Sheriff  defeating  the  nominee  of 
Tammany. 


I23 

The  members  of  the  Legislature  elected  were  divided  between  the  two 
•divisions  of  the  Democracy  and  the  Republicans,  the  latter,  naturally,  under  the 
circumstances  of  divided  opponents,  getting  the  larger  share  It  was  at  tins  time 
that  Mr.  William  \V.    \stor  reached  the  State  Senate 


124 


CHAPTER    XL. 

HANCOCK'S  NOMINATION  FOR  PRESIDENT. 

HE  tendency  to  accept  military  valor  as  a  qualification  for  civic- 
honors  appears  to  be  an  inherent  trait  of  average  human 
nature.  In  ancient  times  the  successful  generals  were  fre- 
quently rewarded  with  civil  offices.  The  natural  hero-worship 
of  western  Europe,  including  the  English  race,  have  always 
reserved  their  loudest  plaudits  for  the  winners  of  great  battles. 
The  American  people  have,  to  a  marked  degree,  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  their 
more  or  less  illustrious  predecessors.  Since  our  first  President,  we  have  had  four 
candidates  for  that  high  office  from  the  army  elected,  with  a  fifth  and  sixth, 
nominated.  Of  the  successful  military  candidates  Washington  was,  no  doubt, 
eminently  fitted,  at  that  time,  for  the  position.  General  Jackson  was  a  lawyer,  as 
well  as  a  good  fighter,  and  understood  constitutional  law.  General  Harrison  had. 
no  "special  fitness  for  the  office,  and  was  elected  solely  on  his  war  record.  It  was 
of  General  Taylor,  elected  President,  and  inaugurated  in  1849,  tnat  the  gr^at 
constitutional  lawyer,  Daniel  Webster,  made  the  public  comment,  that  "  it  was  a 
nomination  not  fit  to  be  made,"  though  Taylor  was  of  his  own  party;  and  he  was 
right,  there  was  no  element  of  the  statesman  in  Zachery  Taylor.  General  Scott, 
nominated,  but  not  elected,  by  the  Whig  party,  saved  his  political  reputation  by 
that  defeat.  General  Grant's  administration  is  now  generally  admitted  to  have 
been  the  most  corrupt  which  the  country  has  ever  seen.  Thus  the  experience  of 
the  United  States  shows  a  balance  against  the  theory  that  military  men  are 
necessarily  fit  for  high  civic  office. 

Yet,  the  Democratic  party  made  no  mistake  in  1880,  when  they  selected  for 
their  candidate  General  Winfield  Scott  Hancock,  who  had  served  with  credit  in 
nearly  all  the  battles  in  which  his  military  namesake,  General  Scott,  won  fame  in- 
Mexico;  and  he  had  also  earned  other  laurels  in  frontier  duty,  and  still  more 
glory  in  the  civil  war.  It  was  not.  however,  for  any  of  his  brilliant  military 
achievements  that  he  was  selected  as  the  standard-bearer  of  the  Democracy.  As- 
military  Governor  of  the  semi-reconstructed  States  of  Louisiana  and  Texas, 
known  officially  as  the  Fifth  Military  District,  he  had  exhibited  marked  civic 
ability  of  a  high  order.  General  Hancock  had  been  assigned  to  this  command 
by  President  Andrew  Johnson  late  in  the  summer  of  1867.  The  Southern  States 
were,  at  that  time,  under  what  has  come  to  be  universally  known  as  "  carpet-bag 
rule,"  a  phrase  aptly  indicating  that  the  ruler?,  had  no  permanent  interest  in  the 
people  over  whom  they  were  set  to  govern.  All  the  offices  of  any  importance, 
from  the  Governors  down,  were  filled,  not  by  election  through  the  people,  but  by 
persons  appointed  either  by  the  President  or  by  Congress,  for  strictly  partisan 
purposes,  the  subordinate  positions  being  filled  by  their  creatures,  the  whole 
Southern  country  being  divided  into  military  districts  having  a  United  States 
Army  General  in  command,  supported  by  Federal  troops.  These  Generals  had 
almost  unlimited  power  over  the  whole  population,  including  civil  officers,  and 


125 

•even  the  law  bourts  which,  indeed,  could  scarcer)  Be  said  to  exist,  so  completely 
were  the)  dominated  by  military  interference,  mosl  of  the  commanding  generals 
having  used  the  extraordinai  j  powers  confered  upon  them  to  the  fullest  extent 

Not  so  did  General  Hancock.  With  the  true  instinct  of  a  patriot,  who 
recognized  that  the  war  was  over,  ami  with  the  discrimination  of  a  mature  and 
unselfish  statesman,  he  decided  not  to  use  the  arbitrarj  power  at  his  command, 
ami  plainly  expressed  in  his  commission,  but  to  treat  the  citizens  as  he  would  have 
done  those  of  any  other  State,  so  long  as  thej  remained  quiet  and  peaceable,  as  he 
found  them.  Accustomed  to  the  sharp  rule  of  (  icneral  Sheridan,  from  whom  they 
had  just  been  relieved,  the  people  of  the  Fifth  Districl  could  not,  at  fust,  under 
stand  that  the  new  Commander  was  a  man  of  ver\  different  metal,  and  that  he 
regarded  the  inhabitants  of  Louisiana  and  Texas  not  as  conquered  rebels,  but  as 
restored  citizens,  and  that  it  was  his  intention  to  reinstate,  so  far  as  possible,  all 
the  civil  functions  of  these  States. 

It  took  some  time  for  these  Southern  communities  to  understand,  or  put 
faith  in  this  professed  friendly  attitude  of  a  Federal  General,  and  it  was  really  not 
until  the  publication  of  his  famous  u  Order  No.  40."  dated  November  29,  1867, 
that  the  people  began  to  realize'  that  they  had  over  them  a  friend  and  protector  of 
their  civil  rights,  and  not  a  military  tyrant  This  renowned  "  Order  "  clearly 
announced  that  the  people  were  expected  to  resume  all  the  civil  functions  of  an 
independent  State;  to  reopen  their  courts,  and  resume  all  the  duties  and  rights  of 
American  citizens,  which  their  semi-territorial  condition  permitted,  and  that  he, 
as  military  commander,  was  only  there  to  preserve  peace  and  to  secure  to  all  the 
inhabitants  the  equal  administration  of  justice,  to  support  the  laws  of  the  State, 
not  to  supercede  them.  In  fine,  he  put  the  civil  above  the  military  power. 
Under  the  circumstances,  this  was  a  braver  and  more  noble  act  than  any  recorded 
of  a  mere  fighter  on  the  battlefield. 

But  this  moral  courage  and  self-abnegation  was  not  in  the  least  appreciated 
by  Congress;  that  partisan  body  was  in  no  hurry  to  rehabilitate  the  defeated  peo- 
ple of  the  South,  and  felt  aggrieved  at  the  fact  that  one  whom  they  had  placed  as 
a  military  satrap  over  two  States,  with  the  express  design  of  prolonging  the 
unnecessary  probation  of  the  conquered  sections,  should  develop  into  an  ex- 
pounder and  defender  of  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  States,  and  the  promul- 
gator of  true  Democratic  principles.  It  was,  indeed,  a  novel  sight  to  the  whole 
nation  to  see  a  man  in  that  era  voluntarily  put  away  the  power  of  an  autocrat, 
which  had  been  officially  bestowed  upon  him,  and  proclaim  himself  a  subject,  like 
all  other  citizens,  of  the  civil  power. 

General  Hancock  also  declined  to  send  Federal  soldiers  to  watch  the  polls, 
unless  in  case  of  disorder.  All  this  recognition  of  the  people's  rights  interfered 
with  the  Congressional  purpose  of  securing  Republican  majorities  in  the  States  of 
Louisiana  and  of  Texas.  In  consequence.  General  Hancock  found  himself  so 
constantly  antagonized  by  the  Federal  authorities  that  he  asked  to  be  relieved 
from  his  command  on  the  27th  of  February,  1868.  It  was  his  wholesome  and 
patriotic  course,  in  endeavoring  to  re-establish  the  civil  over  military  rule,  which 
commended  him  to  the  consideration  of  the  Democratic  party  as  a  candidate  for 
the  Presidency. 

At  the  National  Convention  which  met  in  St.  Louis,  January  27,  1876,  Han- 
cock's name  was  brought  forward  by  a  delegate  from  the  General's  native  State. 


Pennsylvania.  He  obtained  seventy-five  votes,  but  Tilden  secured  the  nomina- 
tion. In  1868,  when  the  National  Democratic  Convention  met  in  Tammany  Hall, 
General  Hancock's  name  was  then  introduced  with  a  very  sound  and  eulogistic 
speech  by  a  delegate  from  Maine;  but  at  this  time  Tammany  had  decided  on 
Horatio  Seymour,  and  he  was  nominated.  Another  opportunity  proved  more 
favorable.  At  the  Democratic  Convention  which  met  in  Cincinnati  June  23, 
1880,  General  Hancock's  name  was  once  more  presented,  this  time  by  a  veteran 
Democrat  of  Philadelphia — Daniel  Dougherty,  who  had,  in  1856,  advocated  the 
nomination  of  James  Buchanan,  and  had  afterwards  voted  for  Lincoln  and  Grant, 
but  who  had  returned  to  his  original  principles,  and  once  more,  after  twenty  years 
of  errancy,  made  a  splendid  oration  in  a  Democratic  convention.  General  Han- 
cock received  the  nomination,  which  was  one  eminently  "  fit  to  be  made,"  but  wa* 
defeated  at  the  ensuing  election  by  General  Garfield,  but  by  a  very  small  majority, 
only  7,018  out  of  a  popular  vote  of  about  9,000,000,  all  the  patronage  and 
machinery  of  the  government  being  in  the  hands  of  his  opponents.  In  General 
Hancock's  letter  of  acceptance  he  made  use  of  essentially  the  same  phrase  since 
adopted  by  Mr.  Cleveland — and  which,  in  fact,  is  established  Democratic  doc- 
trine— General  Hancock  said,  "Public  office  is  a  trust;  not  a  bounty  bestowed 
on  the  holder." 


I27 


CHAPTER  XLI. 
THE  COUNTY  DEMOCRACY. 

MONG  the  many  anti-Tamman)  organizations  which  have 
sprung  up,  flourished  a  while,  and  then  dissolved,  or  formed 
other  combinations,  while  the  elder  society  went  (iii  its  wonted 
way,  usually  to  success — less  frequently  to  defeat — the  asso- 
ciation calling  itself  the  County  Democracy  was  for  some 
years  a  very  formidable  rival.  It  first  came  into  open 
antagonism,  under  that  name,  in  1881.  The  conditions  then  presented  a  triangu- 
lar fight,  as  the  Irving  Hall  party  was  still  an  active  force.  So  that  Tammany  had 
two  organized  Democratic  opponents  to  meet.  Even  before  1881  there  were  fre- 
quently two  sets  of  delegates  sent  to  the  Democratic  State  conventions — always 
one  by  Tammany,  and  the  others,  sometimes  simply  anti-Tammany,  without 
other  formal  designation,  sometimes  with  a  more  specific  name.  Now  there 
were  two  claimants  to  recognition.  The  principal  movers  in  this  hostile  faction 
of  1881  were  those  who  convened  on  election  night  before  the  returns  were 
made,  when  no  one  except  themselves  could  know  what  treachery  had  taken  place, 
to  try  and  make  it  understood  and  believed  that  the  Tammany  men  had  treacher- 
ously betrayed  the  late  Presidential  nominee.  General  Hancock,  by  rradihg  the 
national  for  the  city  ticket,  thus  causing  the  loss  to  the  Democratic  party  of 
national  administration  for  the  ensuing  four  years. 

Among  those  prominent  in  this  revolt  from  machine  methods  were  Abram  S. 
Hewitt,  Thomas  Costigan,  James  O'Brien  and  Timothy  Campbell. 

It  was  only  a  few  weeks  after  the  Presidential  election  that  certain  members 
of  Irving  Hall  came  to  the  conclusion  that  their  organization  was  being  run  in  too 
much  of  a  machine  fashion,  although  opposed  to  Tammany  on  that  very  issue,  and 
these  dissatisfied  "  Irvingites,"  as  they  were  often  called,  formed  a  combination 
with  a  number  of  Independent  Democrats  and  decided  to  build  up  a  reformed  and 
purified  Democracy,  based  on  pure  Jeffersonian  principles.  They  went  ener- 
getically to  work  and  appointed  committees  to  make  an  enrollment  of  Democrats 
of  all  existing  parties  or  factions,  so  as  to  secure  a  representative  organization  in 
every  election  district.  An  Assembly  District  Association  was  also  formed,  as 
well  as  a  County  Committee  elected.  By  these  elaborate  measures  it  was 
thought  that  a  truly  representative  Democratic  organization  could  be  sus- 
tained. It  was  these  transcendental  philosophers  who  formed  the  basis 
of  the  County  Democracy,  which  was  fairly  launched  into  the  political 
arena  in  the  spring  of  1881.  Primary  elections  were  held  in  each  election 
district,  and  the  Democrats  whose  names  had  been  enrolled  chose  officers,  as  also 
delegates,  to  the  County  Committee.  One  reason  for  selecting  the  name 
"  County "  was  that  throughout  the  State  county  committees  had  previously 
been  in  existence,  while  the  Democrats  of  the  County  of  New  York  had  always 


128 

been  controlled  in  their  course,  either  by  the  Society  of  Tammany  or  some  off- 
shoot from  that  association ;  and  it  seemed  to  the  reformers  that  it  was  altogether 
fitting  to  have  an  organization  in  New  York  County  corresponding  to  the  custom 
in  general  usage  throughout  the  State. 

Among  the  actual  organizers  of  the  new  party  were  Abram  S.  Hewitt, 
ex-Mayor  Edward  Cooper,  William  C.  Whitney,  E.  Ellery  Anderson,  Hans  S. 
Beattie,  Maurice  F.  Powers,  Hubert  O.  Thompson,  Nelson  J.  Waterbury,  Frank 
M.  Scott,  Charles  W.  Dayton,  Henry  S.  Beekman,  Allen  Campbell,  Francis  Lynde 
Stetson,  Thomas  Costigan,  Henry  Murray,  J.  Henry  Ford  and  James  McCartney. 
The  committee  met  at  21  West  Twenty-fourth  street,  where  the  organization  pre- 
liminaries were  projected;  the  public  meetings  and  County  Committee  meetings 
were  held  in  Cooper  Union. 

At  this  time  ex-Sheriff  Peter  Bowe,  ex-Sheriff  Alexander  Davidson,  W. 
Bourke  Cockran,  Nicholas  Haughton,  Robert  B.  Mooney,  Edgar  L.  Ridgeway. 
judge  Erlich,  Charles  G.  Cornell,  Hugh  H.  Moore,  and  some  others,  kept  up  the 
old  Irving  Hall  organization,  which,  in  1886,  united  with  the  "Henry  George" 
labor  movement,  but  most,  if  not  all,  of  its  former  leaders,  naturally,  111  time. 
drifted  back  to  their  old  home — Tammany  Hall,  some  joining  the  County  Democ- 
racy, and  some  Irving  Hall,  as  a  distinctly  anti-Tammany  force,  disappeared  from 
city  politics,  though,  in  1879,  >ts  delegates  had  been  received  as  "  regular  "  at  the 
State  convention  held  in  Syracuse. 

For  several  years  the  County  Democracy  proved  a  very  successful  organiza- 
tion, and  at  one  period  obtained  control  of  nearly  all  the  departments  and  city 
patronage.  Hubert  ().  Thompson  was  its  recognized  leader.  (It  seems  they 
could  not  get  along  without  a  "  boss.")  It  was  through  the  efforts  of  this  associa- 
tion, undoubtedly,  that  Grace  was  elected  Mayor  in  1884,  though  he  had  the 
support  of  other  Democrats  at  that  time,  a  sort  of  three-cornered  fight  being  on 
that  year,  to  the  great  detriment  of  the  National  ticket,  which  just  scraped  through 
by  a  very  small  majority.  Beginning  with  the  purest  intentions,  the  County 
Democracy  soon  fell  into  the  enticing  rut  of  machine  politics;  and  the  wiley 
politician  inevitably  succeeded  to  the  patriotic  organizers.  Many  of  its  members 
were  Aldermen  in  1884,  and  some  of  these  were  indicted  for  the  acceptance  of 
bribes.  Later,  this  once  immaculate  party  formed  combinations  with  Republi- 
cans of  easy  political  virtue.  The  result  was  a  disintegration  of  its  original  ele- 
ments. Most  of  its  leaders  returned  to  Tammany  Hall,  some  went  into  the  party 
calling  itself  the  "  Voorhis  Democracy,"  but  the  great  body,  like  so  many  others 
of  the  anti-Tammany  factions,  informally  dissolved  into  its  original  elements. 
Those  who  clung  to  it  longest  and  latest  were  found,  in  1892,  still  in  the  role  of 
protesters,  among  the  anti-Hill  Democrats.  The  latest  notice  that  we  find  of  any 
remnant  of  vitality  in  this  association  was  that  of  a  meeting  held  in  a  small  room 
on  the  second  floor  of  the  Cooper  Union,  on  the  23d  of  May,  1892,  when  Mr. 
Charles  A.  Jackson,  who  had  vowed,  the  year  before,  that  he  "  would  remain  a 
true  County  Democrat,  even  if  he  were  left  alone  to  turn  out  the  gas,"  actually 
did  so,  in  the  company  of  some  dozen  equally  devoted  followers. 

One  of  the  daily  papers,  published  about  the  time  of  the  "  Mid-Winter  Con- 
vention," thus  describes  the  mode  sometimes  adopted  for  silencing  opposition: 
"The  Voorhis  faction  was  finally  disposed  of  in  this  manner:  On  the  29th  of 


February,  [892,  Ma\  or  ( .ram  appointed  John  R.  \  oorhis,  founder,  and  foi  pears 
the  leader,  of  the  so-called  New  York  Democracy,  as  Police  Justice,- to  succeed 
Mr.  Ford,  a  County  Democrat;  then,  to  make  all  things  satisfactory,  Aqueduct 
Secretary  John  C.  Sheehan  (brother  of  the  Lieutenant  Governor),  was  appointed 
Police  Commissioner  to  succeed  Voorhis,  at  the  nominal  sum  of  $5,000  per 
annum.  This  Kept  the  \  oorhis  faction  solid  for  Tammany,  and  shows  wh)  \  oor- 
his did  not  join  either  the  Steckler  party,  or  other  factionists Mr. 

Voorhis  received  appointments  respectivel)  from  Mayors  Havemeyer,  Coopes 
and  Grace.  Mr.  Voorhis  was  always  a  Democrat.  He  early  joined  the  County 
Democracy,  but  bolted  it  in  [890,  to  set  up  his  own  wing,  called  somewhat 
ostentatiously,  the  New  York  Democracy.  In  the  election  of  [891  he  claimed 
to  have  carried  20,000  votes." 

( >ne  of  the  spicy  episodes  illustrative  of  the  contests,  and  also  semi-affiliations 
between  Tammany  and  the  County,  Democracy,  took  place  in  the  autumn  of  1886, 
and  related  to  the  nomination  of  \l>ram  S.  Hewitt  for  Mayor.  Tammany  had 
previously  rejected  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Hewitt  as  an  unsuitable  candidate,  for 
Governor,  when  he  was  nominated  for  that  office  bj  the  County  Democracy,  and 
was  consequently  severely  criticised  by  political  opponents  for  its  apparently 
inconsistent  action  in  1886.  In  the  State  convention  held  the  previous  \  ear, 
when  Mr.  Hewitt  was  nominated  for  Governor,  he  had  received  but  53  votes  out 
of  384,  and  the  attitude  of  Tammany  was  held  responsible  for  this  signal  failure. 
Greatly  chagrined  at  the  result,  the  Count}-  Democracy  held  a  meeting,  at  which 
the  following  resolution  was  passed.  Mr.  Hewitt  being  at  that  time  a  member  of 
that  wing  of  the  I  Vmocracx  : 

"Resolved,  Thai  it  is  Cor  the  interest  of  the  party,  in  the  city  ami  state,  that  the  con- 
stant deals  and  disgraceful  trades  between  the  rival  county  conventions  and  their  favorite 
candidates  should  cease.  The  issue  between  Tammany  Hall  and  the  New  York  County 
Democracy  is  perfectly  clear  and  we'll  defined.  In  the  former  the  leaders,  or  bosses,  con- 
trol their  organization  for  personal  and  selfish  Objects.  The  issue  we  make  with  Tammany 
Hall  must  be  met,  and  decided.  The  cause  of  good  government,  the  cause  of  honest 
administration  of  municipal  affairs  and  the  cause  of  the  peace  of  the  party  itself, 
demand  it." 

To  this  assault,  at  a  meeting  held  soon  after,  Tammany  made  the  following 

scathing  reply: 

"The  declaration  thai  disgraceful  trades  and  deals  between  tin-  rival  County  Con- 
ventions 'must  cease'  is  at  least  an  admission  that  these  immaculate  statesmen  have 
Invited  and  participated  in  such  deals  during  the  past:  and  the  assertion  that  they  were 
'disgraceful'  is  a  cheerful  confession  of  infamy  by  men  who  ask  public  confidence  on 
account  of  the  purity  of  their  methods.  The  sentiments  of  opposition  to  'disgraceful  deals 
and  bargains,'  which  the  members  of  the  County  Democracy  profess,  are  as  fervent  as 
new-born  convictions  usually  are.  Their  abortive  attempl  to  induce  this  organization  to 
unite  with  them  in  support  of  a  preposterous  candidate  for  Governor,  at  the  last  State 
Convention,  might  be  considered  an  attempt  to  make  a  particularly  disgraceful  bargain  or 
deal.  .  '.  .  The  peaceful  overtures  of  this  convention  have  ben  rejected  in  the  name  of 
good  government,  and  sound  politics,  by  a  tumultuous  disorderly  mob  of  employees  from 
the  city  departments,  acting  under  the  dictation  of  a  band  of  political  mercenaries,  whose 
shameful  abuse  of  public  trusts  has  escaped  the  corrective  process  of  the  criminal  courts, 
through  the  imbecility  or  connivance  of  the  District  Atttorney." 

A  principal  cause  of  Tammany's  rejection  of  Hewitt,  when  nominated  for 
Governor,  was  a  speech  he  made  soon  after  connecting  himself  with  the  County 
Democracv.  and  which  was  delivered  at  Cooper  Union.  lie  said:  "  As  to  Tam- 
many Hall  and  John  Kelly,  here  is  to  be  found  the  proximate  cause  o\  our  defeat 


13° 

in  1880.  Here  in  the  City  of  New  York  we  had  an  organization  which  expressed 
only  the  will  of  one  man.  To  him,  counsel  and  interference  were  alike  obnoxious. 
Those  who  ventured  to  disagree  with  him  were  disciplined  and  retired,  not  only 
from  office,  but  were  driven  from  the  ranks.  Such  an  organization  was  offensive 
to  the  self-respect  of  intelligent  Democrats.  .  .  .  Tammany  is  a  machine. 
Its  source  of  power  is  a  secret  society.  Even  in  the  wisest  and  best  hands  it  is 
an  anomaly  which  should  not  be  perpetuated  or  tolerated." 

Nevertheless,  Mr.  Hewitt,  one  year  later,  accepted  the  nomination  of  Tam- 
many Hall  for  the  office  of  Mayor,  and  was  elected. 

The  explanation  of  this  change  of  front  all  round  was  simply  the  fear,  not 
of  Tammany  Hall  only,  but  of  all  the  other  parties  in  the  conservative  ranks,  of 
the  increasing  strength  of  the  "  Henry  George  "  party.  Nor  was  this  a  vain  fear; 
at  the  November  election  of  1886  this  Socialistic  combination  cast  67,699  votes. 
Mr.  Hewitt  had  over  90,000  from  the  united  Democracy — and  not  a  "  disgraceful 
deal  "  on  either  side. 

One  of  the  unexpected  events  which  happened  in  the  campaign  of  1877  was- 
the  success  of  John  Morrissey  over  the  Hon.  Augustus  Schell,  the  Tammany 
nominee,  not  only  in  the  East  River  election  districts,  but  in  the  most  fashionable 
and  wealthy  sections  of  the  city,  including  the  Eleventh  Assembly  District,  as 
also  the  Fifteenth,  Sixteenth  and  Eighteenth.  How  this  came  about  has  never 
been  fully  explained.  Why  the  aristocracy  of  intelligence  and  of  wealth,  in  a 
struggle  for  the  United  State's  Senatorship,  should  desert  one  of  their  own  set, 
and  vote,  for  a  good  man,  indeed,  but  one  who  certainly  made  no  pretension  to 
compete  with  them  on  any  educational  or  social  point,  has  always  remained 
somewhat  of  a  mystery;  for  this  was  not  a  case  in  which  it  was  possible  to  charge 
the  improper  use  of  money,  seeing  that  so  large  a  number  of  voters  were  not  only 
above  suspicion  morally  considered,  but  the  fact  was  patent,  that  they  had  the 
means  to  buv  the  candidate,  rather  than  he  them.  Perhaps  it  was  Morrissey's 
indomitable  pluck  which  pleased  them.  At  a  preliminary  meeting,  where  the 
selection  of  candidates  was  being  discussed,  and  where  some  were  opposed  to 
Morrissev's  nomination  on  the  very  ground  that  he  could  not  carry  the  fashion- 
able districts,  he  arose,  and,  in  his  most  serious  manner,  declared  that  he  "  could 
and  would  carry  them."  Addressing  his  opponents,  he  exclaimed:  "This  is  not 
my  fight;  it  is  yours.  If  I  am  beaten,  you  are  beaten;  but  I  will  not  be  defeated. 
I  will  not  only  carry  what  you  call  my  districts,  but  I  will  carry  the  silk-stocking 
districts,  too";  and  lie  did.  much  to  the  surprise  of  both  friends  and  foes. 

This  year,  1877,  was  prolific  in  other  interesting  incidents,  one  of  which  was 
the  entrance  of  a  member  of  the  wealthy  Astor  family  into  politics.  Hitherto  this 
well-known  branch  of  the  money  aristocracy  had  occupied  themselves  almost 
exclusively  in  adding  to  their  great  inherited  fortune,  or  in  social  functions;  but 
this  year  one  of  the  younger  scions.  Mr.  William  Waldorf  Astor,  accepted  the 
Republican  nomination  for  the  Assembly  in  his  own  district,  the  Eleventh.  He 
was  the  first  of  the  very  wealthy  men  of  New  York  to  risk  their  fate  at  the  polls; 
but  he  courageously  set  an  example  which  has  been  successfully  followed  by 
others.  I  lis  district  was  naturally  a  Republican  one,  and  on  this  occasion  he  was 
elected  without  difficulty.  After  serving  his  term  in  the  Assembly,  he  was,  in 
1879,  elected  to  the  State  Senate,  and  a  prolonged  political  career  appeared  to  be 
opening  before  him;  but  it  was  not  destined  to  continue.     In  October  of  1880  he- 


Hi  ^ 


>s\\  1:1  lp.  ki.i  i\v 


>3' 


was  nominated  for  Congress  in  the  Seventh  Districl  of  New   York  city,     rani 
many  had  for  its  candidate  one  of  its  old  time  members,  Mr.  Phillip  I  [enry  I  h 
who  defeated  Mr.  Astor,  though  no1  by  so  large  a  majority  as  to  discourage  the 
latter. 

In  the  Fall  of  [88]  Mr.  Astor  again  accepted  the  Republican  nomination  for 
Congress,  tins  time  for  the  Ninth  District.  His  opponent  was  now  Roswell  P 
Flower,  also  a  wealthy  man,  though  not  having  quite  so  man}  millions  to  draw 
upon  as  William  Waldorf  Astor.  It  was  reported,  though  by  no  means  sub- 
stantiated, that  money  flowed  freely  on  this  occasion,  being  estimated,  on  Mr. 

Flower's  side,  at  $l6,000,  and,  on    Mr,     Vstor's,  at    from  $25,000  to  $30,000.      Bui 

little  reliance  is  to  be  placed  on  such  estimates — at  least,  no  newl)  Hedged  semi- 
millionaires  were  observed  cropping  up  in  that  districl  after  the  election.  The 
peculiarit)  of  this  canvass  was  the  fact  that  both  of  these  wealthy  candidates  went 
personally  into  the  work  of  enlisting  voters,  making  friendl)  overtures  to  classes 
of  workmen  and  small  dealers  whom,  under  other  circumstances,  they  would  not 
have  fell  called  upon  to  salute  so  courteously.  Mr.  Flower  carried  the  day  with  a 
majority  that  effectually  extinguished  Mr.  Astor's  desire  for  further  experience  in 
the  line  oi  American  polities.  1  fe  was.  in  a  measure,  consoled  for  his  defeat  before) 
the  people  by  the  appointment  of  Minister  to  Italy,  where  he  pleasantly  and  use- 
fully occupied  himself  in  historical  researches.  He  has  since  domiciled  himself 
in  England,  became  a  British  subject,  and  owns  the  Pall  Mall  Gazette. 


132 


•    CHAPTER   XLII. 
CLEVELAND  IN  1884. 

REAT  as  was  the  disappointment  of  the  Democracy  at  the 
defeat  of  General  Hancock  in  1880.  it  was  not  deemed  expedi- 
ent to  renominate  him  in  1884.  At  the  National  convention, 
which  met  in  Chicago  that  year,  Governor  Grover  Cleveland 
of  Xew  York  was  nominated  on  the  second  ballot,  receiving 
683  votes,  36  more  than  was  necessary  to  a  choice.  He  was 
not  exactly  the  candidate  which  Tammany  would  have  preferred,  Thomas  A, 
Hendricks  being  their  first  choice;  but  there  was  no  possibility  of  forcing  any 
other  name  on  the  convention,  and.  with  their  usual  tact,  the  Tammany  delegation 
accepted  the  nominee  with  good  grace;  and,  as  the  Fall  campaign  opened,  the  old 
Wigwam  threw  wide  its  doors  for  a  grand  ratification  meeting,  including  the 
organization  of  a  parade. 

There  could  be  no  doubt  of  the  genuine  enthusiasm  of  the  rank  and  tile,  the 
thousands  of  men  who  marched  on  that  occasion  with  banners  inscribed.  "  Cleve- 
land and  Hendricks."  though  some  of  the  ward  leaders  appeared  to  be  less 
enthusiastic.  On  the  evening  of  the  21st  of  October,  the  great  public  ratification 
meeting  was  held  in  Tammany  Hall.  The  gallery  was  rilled  with  the  men  who 
had  done  and  would  still  do  the  marching',  and  also  the  voting,  and  who  felt  that, 
by  the  numerical  display  in  the  streets,  they  were  doing  something  to  help  on  the 
Democratic  restoration  to  power  in  the  nation,  of  which  they  were  defrauded  in 
1876  by  the  Electoral  Commission. 

Among  the  speakers  at  the  great  public  meeting  that  had  been  called  were 
Senator  Thomas  F.  Bayard,  of  Maryland;  Governor  Abbett,  of  Xew  Jersey,  and 
Allen  Thurman,  of  (  )hio,  with  many  other  distinguished  minor  statesmen  devoted 
to  Grover  Cleveland.  The  general  theme  of  the  orators  was  the  excessive 
extravagance  of  the  Republican  administration.  A  little  later,  the  County 
Democracy  followed  Tammany  Hall,  and,  under  the  lead  of  Hubert  O.  Thomp- 
son, all  pledged  themselves  to  support  the  National  nominee. 

The  canvass  was  an  exceedingl)  exciting  one,  but  the  result,  though  it 
'  restored  into  the  hands  of  the  Democrats  the  National  administration  after  a 
political  exile  of  twenty-four  years,  was  still  somewhat  disappointing,  on  account 
of  the  small  majority  which  carried  Grover  Cleveland  into  the  White  House, 
though,  in  the  Electoral  College,  he  received  -'iu  votes,  a-  against  Mr. 
Blaine's  [82. 

As  was  quite  natural,  the  Democrats  had  not  forgotten  how  Mr.  Tilden  had 
been  deprived  of  the  office  to  which  he  was  elected,  and  the  most  careful  measures 
had  been  taken  throughout  the  State  and  (it\  of  Xew  York  to  secure  an  honest 
count  of  the  votes  cast.  To  ensure  this  a  conference  was  held  by  leading  Demo- 
crats at  the  Fifth  Avenue  Motel,  where  a  committee  of  lawyers  was  appointed  to 
go  to  the  Bureau  of  Elections  and  inspect  the  returns,  as  they  had  a  legal  right 
to  do.     At  this  time  -Mr.  John  J.  O'Brien  was  Chief  Supervisor  of  the  Bureau  of 


133 

Elections,  and  the  reported  "boss"  oi  the  Republican  machine  in  the  (  uv  of 
New   Y<uk.     The  gentlemen    composing    the    committee    of    inspection    were 

Messrs.  \;iron  J.  \  andei p. ..I.  Ml. en  Stickney,  General  Francis  C.  Barlow, 
Francis  I..  Stetson  ami  Charles  1'.  Miller  who  were  all  well  known  ami  respected 
citizens.     They  were  instructed  to  sit  "thai  all  was  fail 

On  proceeding  to  the  Bureau  thej  found  in  tin-  office,  nol  tin-  chief,  Ian  a 
clerk  named  Walmsley,  who  undertook  to  answer  for  him.  ami  who  refused  to 
allow  the  returns  to  he  examined.  General  Barlow,  who  was  prepared  for  this 
impediment,  then  read  to  Mr.  Walmsley  from  the  Laws  of  New  York  State  of 
[882  (Section  1,878),  which  provides  that  the  election  returns  "shall  at  all  times, 
during  office  hours,  he  open  to  the  inspection,  examination,  comparison  ami  copy- 
ing  of  any  citizens,  or  elector,  free  of  any  charge  whatsoever."  Still,  Mr.  Walms- 
ley declared  that  he  could  not  and  would  not  allow  the  papers  t<>  he  touched,  in 
the  absence  of  his  chief.  Thereupon  General  Barlow  read  another  section  of  the 
Laws  (Section  i,<)og).  which  makes  it  a  felony  fur  an)  person  to  wilfulh  neglect 
or  impede  the  rights  of  any  person  secured  by  tin-  preceding  section  which  had 
been  read.  The  penalty  attached  was  from  one  to  five  years  in  State's  prison. 
Still,  the  courageous  clerk  did  not  yield.  lie  appeared  shocked  at  the  very  idea 
of  citizens  "  wanting  to  know."  and  declared  that  within  his  experience  no  one 
ever  had  asked  such  a  thing. 

The  committee  now  left  the  Bureau,  and  went  to  the  Police  Commissioner's 
office,  over  which  Fitz  John  Porter  then  presided.  lie  declared  he  could  do  noth- 
ing without  the  presence  of  his  colleagues.  General  Harlow  then  threatened  to 
apply  to  the  Supreme  Court  for  a  mandamus,  to  compel  Supervisor  O'Brien  to 
permit  the  examination.  The  situation  was  becoming  dramatic,  and  to  complete 
it — cuter  John  1.  O'Brien. 

The  case  being  stated  to  him,  he  refused  to  yield  to  the  request  until  he  had 
consulted  counsel.  The  Commissioners,  finally,  after  a  long  consultation,  con- 
sented to  permit  the  papers  to  be  seen,  on  condition  that  the  examination  should 
lake  place  in  the  presence  of  the  Chief  of  the  Bureau.  But  all  this  effort  at 
obstruction  was  plainly  a  misdemeanor  on  the  part  of  these  officials,  and  General 
Barlow  was  not  the  man  to  put  up  with  this  sort  of  treatment.  He  obtained  from 
Judge  Barrett  an  order  to  show  cause  why  a  mandamus  should  not  issue  against 
John  J.  O'Brien.  But.  finally,  without  allowing  this  to  come  to  trial,  the  papers 
were  given  over  for  examination :  and  the  report  made  was  that  "  they  had  not 
yet  been  tampered  with."     And  so  the  matter  rested. 


34 


CHAPTER    XLIII. 
CLEVELAND  IN  1888. 

HE  renomination  of  Mr.  Cleveland,  in  1888,  was  a  foregone  con- 
clusion. Though  he  had  not  succeeded  in  placating  many  of 
the  influential  local  politicians  in  his  own  State,  there  was  still 
no  other  available  man  at  that  time,  within  the  pale  of  the 
Democracy,  who,  on  the  whole,  so  well  represented  the  party 
principles.  In  the  previous  Cleveland  campaign  the  honest, 
but  always  unreliable  Mugwumps,  had  thrown  their  influence  in  favor  of  the 
Democratic  candidate,  as  a  rebuke  to  their  own  party  for  nominating  the  finessing 
Blaine.  On  this  occasion  many  of  them,  especially  the  high  protectionists  among 
them,  became  frightened  by  Mr.  Cleveland's  very  pronounced  views  on  the  tariff 
question,  and  held  aloof  at  the  polls.  Yet  these  sentiments  of  the  nominee  had  no 
terrors  for  the  great  body  of  business  men  in  the  great  commercial  City  of  New 
York,  the  very  elite  of  whom  marched,  in  a  day  parade,  with  Cleveland  banners 
at  their  head,  forming  at  the  foot  of  Wall  street,  and  filling  up  their  ranks  with 
bankers,  importers,  shipping-merchants,  members  of  the  Stock  Exchange,  and, 
in  fact,  embodying  representatives  of  all  the  great  material  interests  of  the  country. 
No  such  political  procession  was  ever  seen  before  in  the  streets  of  New  York. 
Every  man  carried  "  respectability  "  on  his  face,  and  hundreds  of  them  "  wealth," 
as  well. 

On  the  first  day  of  November  the  New  York  Herald  reported,  "  Tammany 
Hall  ablaze  for  Cleveland,"  adding,  "  in  the  presence  of  a  National  duty,  Tam- 
many Hall  has  no  local  divided  obligation."  On  the  evening  of  the  same  day  an 
immense  assemblage  filled  and  overflowed  the  Wigwam  in  Fourteenth  street, 
where  Thomas  F.  Gilroy,  then  Secretary,  read  the  resolutions  of  the  Tammany 
General  Committee  approving  of  the  Cleveland  administration,  and  ratifying  his 
renomination  to  the  Presidency. 

Tammany  has  never  lacked  an  abundance  of  fine  orators.  On  this  occasion 
ex-Governor  Hoadley,  of  Ohio,  was  one  of  the  principal  speakers.  He  was  just 
closing  his  speech,  with  the  following  remarks,  when  the  Mayor-elect  Hugh  J. 
Grant  entered,  thus  making  his  closing  words  quite  apropos.  He  said:  "We 
have  not  regretted  putting  a  good  Democrat  in  the  White  House,  and  the  Demo- 
crats here  present  will  not  regret  putting  an  honest  man  like  Hugh  J.  Grant  in  the 
Mayor's  chair  of  the  City  of  New  York."  Mr.  Grant  was  wildly  cheered  by  the 
immense  audience.  Being  called  on  for  a  speech,  the  chief  civic  nominee  briefly 
responded:  "  For  this  your  cordial  and  hearty  greeting  I  am  most  profoundly 
grateful.  I  take  it  not  as  altogether  personal,  but  as  an  evidence  of  your  loyalty 
to  the  great  party  whose  candidate  T  am.  Success  in  New  York  ensures  it  for 
the  whole  country.  Work  for  the  whole  ticket,  National  and  State,  as  well  as 
local.  Friendship  for  me  can  best  be  shown  by  earnest  and  energetic  work  for 
Grover  Cleveland  for  President,  and  David  B.  Hill  for  Governor."  These  senti- 
ments were  received  with  tremendous  applause. 


135 


CHAPTER    XLIV. 


FIRE  IN  TAMMANY  HALL. 


[HIS  year  (1888)  was  in  more  than  one  way  disastrous  to  the 
Society  of  Tammany.  It  was  while  the  Democratic  National 
Convention  was  in  session  at  St.  Louis  that  a  fire  occurred 
which  at  one  time  threatened  the  destruction  of  their  fine  budd- 
ing in  Fourteenth  street.  Tins  fire  did  not  originate  in  the 
hall  itself,  but  in  a  theatre  below,  which  was  occupied,  at  the 
time,  by  the  Tony  Pastor  Company.  The  fire  had  started  among  the  scenery, 
and  when  discovered,  about  half  past  six  on  the  morning  of  the  6th  of  June,  was 
located  in  the  northeast  corner  of  the  building,  with  the  flames  making  rapid 
strides  towards  the  roof.  Very  soon  after  the  first  alarm  was  sounded  fifteen 
engines  were  on  the  spot,  and,  as  Chief  Shay  was  promptly  on  the  ground,  he 
immediately  sent  out  calls  for  extra  help,  calling  upon  every  fire  company  within 
the  radius  of  a  mile  from  the  corner  of  Fourteenth  street  and  Irving  Place.  The 
flames  burned  through  the  floor  of  the  large  hall  and  shot  up  towards  the  roof 
of  the  main  building.  Some  Tammany  men,  who  had,  fortunately,  not  gone  to 
St.  Louis,  were  quickly  on  the  ground,  and  braved  the  perils  of  fire  and  smoke 
in  rescuing  some  valuable  property  belonging  to  the  Society.  When  the  fire 
was  extinguished  it  was  found  that  neither  the  walls  or  roof  was  seriously  in- 
jured. The  damage  to  the  Society  was  estimated  at  $35,000,  fully  covered  by 
insurance;  but  this  did  not  compensate  for  the  loss  of  valuable  documents,  im- 
possible to  replace. 


I36 


CHAPTER    XLV. 

UNVEILING  OF  THE  TAMMANY  MONUMENT  AT  GETTYSBURG, 
SEPTEMBER,  1891. 

N  the  24th  of  September,  1891,  occurred  a  most  interesting 
event  in  the  history  of  the  Tammany  Society;  as,  on  that  day 
was  unveiled,  with  elaborate  ceremonies,  the  fine  granite  and 
bronze  monument  erected  to  the  memory  of  the  fallen  heroes 
of  the  Forty-second  New  York  Volunteer  Regiment,  better 
known  under  its  popular  name  of  "  The  Tammany  Regi- 
ment," or  "  Jackson  Guards,"  which  honorably  served  throughout  the  war.  The 
site  selected  is  about  two  miles  southwest  of  the  village  of  Gettysburg,  near  the 
"  Bloody  Angle,"  one  of  the  most  fatally  consecrated  portions  of  the  whole 
ground,  hallowed  by  the  blood  of  brave  men,  dying  that  their  country  might  be 
"  free,  indeed."  The  position  is  a  commanding  one,  on  the  south  slope  of  Ceme- 
tery Ridge,  and  in  full  view  of  many  other  tall  shafts  erected  on  the  battle-field 
by  other  associations. 

Of  those  who  attended  this  celebration  and  "  Unveiling  "  there  were  ninety 
surviving  veterans,  who  had  taken  part  in  that  long  drawn-out  fight  on  the  soil 
of  Pennsylvania.  There  were  also  present  about  three  hundred  members  of  the 
Tammany  Society,  with  several  hundred  visitors  from  Gettysburg  and  vicinity, 
und  other  parts  of  the  country.  The  day  was  oppressively  hot.  and  nothing  less 
interesting  could  have  kept  so  many  people  together  for  the  length  of  time  needed 
to  complete  the  ceremonies  and  listen  to  the  speeches.  The  proceedings  were 
announced  to  commence  at  10  A.  M.  The  veterans  of  the  Forty-second,  led  by 
Lieut. -Col.  J.  J.  Mooney,  carrying  the  old  and  tattered  regimental  flags,  were  the 
first  to  arrive  in  town,  and  they  spent  nearly  an  hour  looking  over  the  historical 
ground  on  which  the  great  struggle,  in  which  they  had  been  personally  engaged, 
had  been  fought  out.  Some  of  them  had  not  visited  the  spot  since  they  were 
carried  wounded  from  the  field,  twenty-eight  years  before,  on  the  3d  of  July,  1863. 
These  ninety  veterans  were  formed  in  line  at  the  base  of  the  monument,  and  were 
photographed  in  that  position.  The  band  on  this  occasion  (belonging  to  Harris- 
burg,  Pa.),  was  the  same  which  had  formed  the  line  of  battle  for  General  Hancock 
on  the  last  day  of  the  struggle. 

At  the  hour  appointed,  Captain  Eugene  Sullivan,  President  of  the  Veteran 
Association  of  the  Forty-second  Regiment,  called  the  assemblage  to  order. 
Prayer  was  offered  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  W.  H.  McKnight,  President  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vania College,  of  Gettysburg.  The  unveiling  of  the  monument  followed.  This 
act  was  performed  by  James  E.  Mallon.  of  Brooklyn.  N.  Y.,  a  son  of  one  of  the 
colonels  of  the  regiment  (the  fate  of  war  had  necessitated  several)  who  had  led  the 
Forty-second  on  the  field  at  Gettysburg,  and  elsewhere,  and  who  was  killed  in 
October  of  the  same  year,  at  the  Battle  of  Bristol  Station,  1863.  Assisting  Mr. 
Mallon  was  A.  J.  Zabriskie.  the  engineer  in  charge  of  the  erection  of  the  monu- 
ment. When  the  large  American  flag,  which  had  concealed  the  memorial,  was 
withdrawn,  the  crowd  was  struck  with  admiration,  and  cheered  most  enthusiasti- 
cally. 


THE   TAMMANY   MONUMENT   AT    GETTYSBURG. 


137 

The  pedestal,  or,  rather,  broad  base,  of  this  fine  monument  is  of  granite, 
standing  on  which,  in  front,  and  thirty-one  feet  high,  is  an  Indian  before 
an  open  tent;  the  apex  of  this  tent  is  surmounted  bj  an  eagle  all  in  bronze.  <  >n 
the  facade  of  the  pedestal  is  a  tablet,  on  which  is  recited  the  engagements  in  winch 
the  regiment  participated,  and  on  the  reverse-  is  inscribed  its  record  at  <  iel 
burg.    The  Oration  was  delivered  by  General  Daniel  !•'..  Sickles,  and  consisted 

mainly  of  a  history  of  the  regiment  and  what  it  had  accomplished,  with  a  touch 

ing  tribute  to  the  memory  of  those  who  fell  before  Pickett's  charge.     General 

Sickles  also  referred  to  an  interview  which  he  had  with  President  Lincoln,  who 
spoke  to  him  in  grateful  terms  of  the  generosit)  and  patriotism  of  the  City  of  New 
York,  which  had  appropriated  $1,000,000  to  carry  on  the  war. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  oration,  three  heart j  cheers  were  given  for  tin- 
speaker,  who  had  left  a  limb  on  that  battle  field. 

The  monument  was  then  formally  presented  to  the  "  Gettysburg  Battle- 
field Memorial  Association,"  a  brief  presentation  address  being  made  by  ( ieneral 
Sickles.  In  response,  Edward  McPherson.  Clerk  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, as  a  Director  of  the  Battle-field  Association,  accepted  the  monument,  in  an 
interesting  speech  of  considerable  length.  Next  in  order  was  read,  by  the  popu- 
lar actor,  F.  F.  Mackay,  an  original  poem,  written  by  Mr.  William  Geoghegan. 
Colonel  Fellows  succeeded  him  with  a  short  speech,  in  which  he  awarded  equal 
praise,  as  to  bravery,  to  the  Union  and  Confederate  armies.  General  Martin  T. 
McMahon  eulogized  General  Hancock,  to  whose  division  the  Tammany  Regi- 
ment had  belonged,  and  referred,  also,  with  much  feeling,  to  Maj.-Gen.  John 
Sedgwick,  under  whose  command  the  Forty-second  Regiment  had  been  during 
the  early  part  of  the  war.  Addresses  followed  by  General  Ely  S.  Parker,  Captain 
J.  M.  Ellendorf  and  Bartow  S.  Weeks,  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Sons  oi 
Veterans. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  ceremonies  the  old  veterans  and  the  Tammany  dele- 
gation, having  partaken  of  a  banquet,  returned  to  the  city,  arriving  in  New  York 
by  the  early  morning  train  on  the  26th. 


138 


CHAPTER    XLVI. 
RICHARD  CROKER. 

EW  York,  long  famed  for  her  illustrious  sons,  has  never  been 
more  justly  proud  of  their  great  achievements  than  now.  And 
foremost  among  her  citizens,  famous  at  home  and  abroad,  noted 
among  the  world's  greatest  leaders,  is  Richard  Croker,  Chief  01 
Tammany. 

Leaders  are  born,  not  made,  and  Mr.  Croker  fills  the  coun- 
sellor's distinguished  place  with  all  the  ease  and  dignity,  the  wisdom  and  con- 
scious strength  that  made  St.  Tammany  of  former  days  so  famous  with  the 
Indian  tribes. 

His  popularity,  like  patriot  Paul  Kruger's,  is  founded  on  his  manly  spirit, 
fixed  resolve,  indomitable  will  and  his  unswerving  honesty  of  purpose  in  his  pro- 
tective and  aggressive  warfare  for  the  people's  rights. 

As  the  illustrious  Lincoln,  "  of  and  for  the  people,"  stood  for  the  cause  his 
countrymen  entrusted  to  his  care,  so  Richard  Croker,  nearer  still  to  those  he 
serves,  yet  battles  for  the  undying  principles  of  "  Liberty,  Equality  and  Fratern- 
ity "  in  the  great  Empire  City  of  the  Free. 

As  years  of  faithful  service  in  the  ranks,  and  in  the  posts  of  honor,  have  fitted 
him  for  greater  tasks,  so  his  success  has  made  him  strong  to  undertake  and  to 
accomplish  them  until,  to-day,  he  stands  a  counsellor  without  a  losing  case,  a 
commander  with  no  record  of  defeat,  a  general  who  has  lead  "  the  greatest 
political  organization  in  the  world  "  to  battles  without  number  and  with- 
out a  Waterloo. 

Political  opponents  naturally  decry  the  one  they  cannot  conquer,  and  whose 
unassailable  position  has  so  often  brought  disaster  to  the  combinations  they  have 
formed  to  both  belie  and  undermine  it. 

But  detraction  from  the  honest  fame  of  Richard  Croker  comes  from  those 
with  malice  in  their  hearts  who  do  not  know  the  man. 

Those  who  know  him  best — convinced  of  his  fidelity  and  honesty — are  loud- 
est in  his  praise  and  firmest  in  their  friendship  for  their  fellow  citizen. 

Honest  men — no  matter  what  their  politics — are  never  Mr.  Croker's 
enemies;  dishonest  ones — disloyal  to  their  own,  or  other  parties — can  never  be 
his  friends. 

For  nearly  forty  years,  or  since  the  early  sixties,  when  he  was  elected  to  the 
Board  of  Aldermen,  Mr.  Croker  has  given  to  the  public  an  intelligent,  untiring, 
faithful  service,  leading,  step  by  step,  to  the  exalted  place  he  holds  in  Tammany 
and  in  the  hearts  of  that  Democracy  whose  triumphant  history  is  inseparably 
associated  with  his  own. 

A  writer  of  distinction  in  The  Tammany  Times,  of  July,  1893,  eulogizing 
Mr.  Croker,  said  he  had  reached  that  enviable  position  when  he  might  be  justly 
called  "  the  Warwick  of  American  politics  " — not  only,  as  we  judge,  for  making 
kings  of  men,  but  also  for  his  helpful  hand  in  making  men  of  kings. 


RICHARD  CROKER. 


(39 

For  1 1  lis.  has  been  his  trade     so  Democrats  and  so  beneficial  to  the  world 
to  make  of  all  men  equals,  brothers,  friends  and  fellow  patriots  in  a  free  land. 

For  this  great  work  nature  has  given  him  the  posl  of  honor,  endowing  him 
with  gifts  m  keeping  with  exalted  place.  Mis  arc  the  qualities  of  a  superior 
judgment,  a  wonderful  industry,  an  earnest  purpose,  unimpeachable  integrity, 
the  skill  of  leadership,  the  power  to  master  means,  to  mould  the  masses,  marshal 
forces,  to  carry  a  great  cause  to  victory, 


Mr.  Croker's  history,  from  his  birth  mar  Clonakilty,  County  (oik,  [reland, 
in  November,  [843,  up  to  the  present  time  i.^  of  surpassing  interest  to  ever)  one 
who  has  respect  for  perseverance,  honest  work  and  Democratic  faith. 

Coming  to  America  when  a  mere  child,  and  living  with  his  father — a  farmer, 
who  served  as  a  Captain  in  the  Sickles  Brigade  during  the  Civil  War — young 
Croker  received  a  common  school  education  and,  when  old  enough,  was  appren- 
ticed to  a  machinist  and  learned  the  trade.  For  a  time  he  worked  in  the  shops 
of  the  New  York  Central  Railroad.,  thru,  in  the  old  Volunteer  hire  Department, 
he  was  engineer  of  the  first  steam  fire  engine  used  in  New  York,  and  was  fore- 
man of  Engine  Company  No.  28.  Through  the  Fire  Department  he  made  his 
entry  into  politics,  being  elected  and  re-elected  Alderman  from  1867  till  1870, 
when  the  Tweed  ring,  to  which  Mr.  Croker  was  opposed,  succeeded  in  legislating 
him  and  his  associates  out  of  office. 

Under  Mayor  Havemeyer  Mr.  Croker  was  appointed  Marshall  to  secure 
arrears  in  taxes,  and  it  is  said  that  in  four  months  he  succeeded  in  collecting 
$500,000  due  the  city. 

In  1873  he  was  elected  Coroner,  a  position  then,  as  now,  worth  about  $15,000 
a  year.  To  this  office  he  was  re-elected  in  1876,  being  then,  as  for  years  before, 
an  active  member  of  Tammany  Hall  and  friend  and  favorite  of  the  famous  John 
Kelly. 

After  two  terms  as  Coroner,  he  was  again  elected  Alderman,  and  Mayor 
Edson  appointed  him  a  Fire  Commissioner,  to  which  position  he  was  reap- 
pointed by  Mayor  Hewitt. 

In  1889  Mr.  Croker  was  made  City  Chamberlain  by  Mayor  Grant.  This 
office  gave  him  a  salary  of  $25,000,  his  bond  being  half  a  million.  Ill  health  com- 
pelled him  to  resign  his  position  in  1890  and  take  a  trip  to  Europe  to  renew  the 
vigor  lost  by  overwork. 

On  his  return — resuming  his  accustomed  leadership  of  Tammany — he 
entered,  with  the  Democratic  hosts,  on  one  of  the  greatest  political  campaigns 
this  country  ever  witnessed.  In  the  contest  of  1892,  Richard  Croker,  at  the  head 
of  the  Tammany  column,  did  the  most  loyal  and  effective  work  ever  accomplished 
by  any  political  organization  in  the  history  of  America. 

On  this  occasion  the  Tammany  delegation  to  the  Chicago  Convention  stood 
loyally  by  Senator  Hill,  but  when  the  nomination. went  to  Mr.  Cleveland,  Tam- 
many became  at  once  the  staunchest  advocate  of  his  election,  and  under  Mr. 
Croker's  guidance,  Democratic  victory  was  assured,  and  Cleveland  and  Steven- 
son were  triumphant  at  the  polls. 

That  this  result  was  due  to  Tammany  and  to  the  masterful  campaign  con- 
ducted by  Chief  Croker  was  everywhere  acknowledged.     Indeed,   it  has  been 


140 

truly  said  that  a  more  magnificent  organization,  or  one  more  wisely  handled,  had. 
never  figured  in  a  National  election.  Mr.  Croker's  prediction  that  "  the  City  of 
New  York  would  give  Cleveland  and  Stevenson  75,000  plurality,"  was  more 
than  verified  by  the  returns,  which  gave  the  Democratic  candidates  an  actual 
plurality  of  76,300  votes. 

Of  Mr.  Croker's  chivalrous  fidelity  in  this  great  campaign  it  may  be  said  to 
rival  knightliest  deeds  on  martial  field,  and  for  reward  he  never  asked  nor  sought 
further  recompense  than  that  he  found  in  guiding  those  for  whom  he  fought  and 
in  the  consciousness  of  duty  well  performed. 

The  genius  for  organization  shows  in  his  great  battles  with  political  giants, 
and  Mr.  Croker,  in  the  North  American  Review,  remarks  on  this  as  follows: 
"  Organization  is  one  of  the  great  factors  of  success  and  without  it  there  can  be 
no  enduring  result." 

With  system  as  a  chief  reliance,  Mr.  Croker  has  been  ever  active,  earnest, 
fearless,  as  well  as  fair  and  honest  with  the  questions  which  concern  the  welfare 
of  the  people  of  New  York.  With  him  political  obligation  is  a  duty,  not  to  be 
evaded  or  neglected,  but  in  friendly  intercourse  and  in  encouragement  of  those 
who  need  a  friendly  word  or  friendly  hand,  there  is  a  social  side  to  Mr.  Croker's 
character  which  has  given  his  magnetic  personality  its  greatest  charm. 


Coming  now  to  the  last  memorable  campaigns  which  have  restored  a  Demo- 
cratic government  to  Greater  New  York — replacing  the  shams  of  a  pretended 
"  reform  " — the  guiding  hand  of  Mr.  Croker  is  again  in  evidence  to  hold  in  check 
and  bring  to  a  deserved  defeat  the  cohorts  of  the  opposition. 

For  some  years — not  from  choice,  but  compelled  by  the  condition  of  his 
health,  as  well  as  to  avoid  the  importunities  of  friends  and  politicians — Mr. 
Croker  has  had  a  residence  abroad.  One  day,  when  the  mock  reformers  still 
held  power,  he  returned  from  England,  as  Napoleon  came  from  exile,  to  find  the 
Democratic  army  calling  him  to  lead  to  a  new  victory. 

Nothing  loath,  he  took  command  of  Tammany  and  won  the  fight  against  the 
combined  forces  of  Tracy,  Low  and  George,  winning  the  city's  contest  by  tin- 
grand  plurality  of  85„ooo  votes  and  restoring  Tammany  to  power. 

Then  began  the  shameful  tactics  of  the  up-the-State  majority  in  insulting  the 
great  City  of  New  York  with  a  partisan  committee  to  reflect  on  the  integrity  of 
the  officers  the  people's  votes  had  chosen  as  their  representatives. 

As  the  city's  Democratic  leader,  Mr.  Croker  was  the  target  for  the  opposi- 
tion— on  his  head  beat  the  storm. 

But  to  his  honor,  be  it  said,  that  meddling  inquisition  found  in  Richard 
Croker  a  fearless  honesty  they  had  not  bargained  for,  or,  as  was  truly  said:  "  A 
foeman  worthy  of  their  steel." 

Meeting  them  face  to  face,  defiantly,  he  challenged  them  to  show  an  unlawful 
or  unworth)  aotl,  or  where  a  single  dollar  had  boon  taken  or  been  misapplied 
either  by  himself  or  by  the  Democratic  officials  of  the  City  of  New  York. 

The  end  is  known  to  all.  The  committee  was  disbanded  and  discomfitted, 
while  their  intended  victim,  Richard  Croker,  left  for  his  summer  trip  to  Europe 
amid  the  vivas  of  the  multitude  that  blocked  the  streets  and  steamer  wharf. 


>  M 


Again  returning  for  the   [900  National  campaign,   Mi  »ok   the 

leader's  place  in  Tammany,  and  al  the  two  Conventions  of  the  nation  and  State, 
„'„,  in  (he  battle  royal  following,  he  Eoughl  for  the  Democratic  part)  with  such 
foresight  and  energj  that  the  harmonized  Democracy  of  the  Empire  State 
reduced  the  Republican  up-State  plurality  of  [896,  over  [00,000  votes,  wiped  out 
McKinley's  New  York  city  majoritj  of  23,000,  and  added  to  those  figures  over 
27,000  city  plurality  for  Bryan  and  nearl)  50,000  for  the  candidate  for  Gover 

no'l  a  result  which,  if  applied  in  equal  ratio  in  the  other  States,  would  have  made 
Bryan  President. 

Such,  in  brief,  is  the  storj  of  an  honest  politician's  great  Mieeess  Trnlv 
the  people  love  him  not  alone  for  what  he  is.  hut  for  the  work  which  he  has  done 
and  '■  for  the  enemies   that  he  has  made  " 

Coming  contests  need  not  he  in  doubt  while  Richard  Croker  leads. 


142 


CHAPTER    XLVII. 

THE  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGN  OF  1892. 

k~ ;  a    HE  Presidential  campaign  of  1892  may  be  said  to  have  been. 

li-^J^Hp^ffi I  opened  on  the  part  of  Tammany  Hall,  at  the  State  Convention 
held  in  Saratoga  in  September,  1891.  At  that  Democratic 
gathering  the  adherents  of  Tammany,  having  the  late  Gover- 
nor, David  B.  Hill,  at  their  head,  found  themselves  strong 
enough  to  exclude  the  delegates  of  the  County  Democracy, 
and  did  exclude  them.  It  has  been  truly  remarked  that  when  particularly  acute 
people  make  a  mistake  they  are  apt  to  make  a  very  great  mistake.  Senator  Hill 
has  been  held  to  be  one  of  the  brainiest  men  in  the  State,  shrewd  and  far-seeing, 
capable  of  weighing  the  present  and  future  effects  of  political  movements  with  the 
instinct  almost  of  genius,  and  yet  he  made  the  mistake  of  underestimating  the 
resentment  of  his  fellow-Democrats  who  were  deprived  of  the  usual  opportunities 
of  considering  and  discussing  the  political  situation,  by  the  unusual  action  of 
precipitating  a  call  for  the  selection  of  delegates  to  the  national  convention  several 
months  earlier  than  the  custom  of  the  party  warranted,  thus  greatly  prejudicing 
the  very  object  which  he  and  his  friends  most  ardently  desired.  His  usual  per- 
ception of  consequences  appeared  to  be  nullified,  by  the  desire  to  secure,  at  all 
hazards,  the  advantage  over  his  most  prominent  rival.  That  the  early-expressed 
dissent  from  his  measure  "  would  die  out  before  summer  "  was  his  opinion.  A 
most  disasterous  conclusion  for  his  hopes  to  cling  to. 

That  the  able  leaders  of  the  Tammany  Society  should  have  shared  in  this 
delusion  (if,  indeed,  they  did,  and  were  not  influenced  by  other  motives),  is  most 
remarkable.  Strong  at  Albany,  and  popular  in  the  metropolis,  neither  the  aspi- 
rant for  Presidential  honors,  nor  his  friends,  seemed  to  have  realized  that  a 
grievance  nourished  by  them,  against  Mr.  Cleveland,  was  not  necessarily  shared 
by  all  the  other  States  in  the  Union.  That  the  Tammany  delegation  bravely 
stood  by  their  colors  at  Chicago  says  much  for  their  loyalty,  but  less  for  their  fore- 
sight. The  unofficial,  but  numerically  strong  protesting  party,  in  common  par- 
lance, called  the  "  Anti-snappers,"  who  also  went  to  Chicago  to  exert  all  the 
influence  they  could  command  (though  they  had  no  votes),  against  the  nominee 
of  the  Tammany  delegation,  wisely  decided  to  avoid  creating  a  scandal,  by  appear- 
ing as  contestants,  but  did  more  effectual  work  by  personal  effort  and  appeal,  to 
the  delegates  from  other  States,  many  of  whom  were  under  the  impression  that 
Mr.  Cleveland  was  unpopular  in  New  York.  By  this  sort  of  "still  hunt"  and 
wary  tactics  they  succeeded  in  dispelling  the  illusion,  and  the  result  was  the 
nomination  of  Mr.  Cleveland  on  the  first  ballot,  and  his  election  by  the  convention 
by  a  vote  of  617  to  115  for  the  Tammany  candidate.  David  B.  Hill;  nine  other 
persons  being  named,  who  received  votes  varying  in  number,  from  103  for  Gover- 
nor Boise,  of  Iowa,  to  one  for  other  "  favorite  sons."  After  this  experience  it  is 
probable  that  forestalling  a  Presidency  will  become  as  unpopular  as  the  fore- 
stalling of  wheat  or  corn. 


143 

The  magnificenl  majority  given  l>\  the  Cit>  ol  W«  Yi.il.  to  the  electoral 
ticket  for  (  leveland  in  November,  of  over  70,000  votes,  shows  what  Tamman)  can 
do,  when  in  dead  earnest,  even  though  it  was  not  her  firsl  choice  For  whom  she 
voted. 

The  vote  of  the  Cit)  oi  \<w   York  was  as  follows: 

Whole  nomber  of  votes  cast    ..284,984 

Cleveland  176,267 

Harrison   98,967 

For    Mayor— Gllroy,    Democrat  173,510 

Elnstln,    Republican    97,923 

The  whole  popular  vote,  in  the   United  States  was.* 5,556,633 

Cleveland's  majority   382,956 

Among  the  most  active  workers  of  the  protesting  part)  at  (  hicago  was  Mr. 
Charles  S.  Fairchilds.  With  him  worked  William  R.  Grace,  and  Following  neai 
was  Edward  .\I.  Shepard,  of  Brooklyn;  G.  F.  Peabody,  Alexander  E.  (  >rr,  Fred 
R.  Coudert,  William  A.  Beach,  E.  Ellery  Anderson,  Franklin  Locke  and  others. 

Their  presence  and  influence  was  utilized  by  William  C.  Whitney  and  his  asso- 
ciates, all  working  together. 

That  Mr.  Richard  Croker  was  really  pleased  with  the  work  of  the  convention 
he  took  every  means  to  make  apparent.  After  a  very  necessary,  but  brief  rest,  he 
made  the  most  elaborate  and  expensive  arrangements  for  decorating  Ins  own 
private  residence,  as  well  as  influencing  other  parties  to  do  the  same,  He  also 
arranged  for  the  decoration  of  the  "Sagamore  Club,"  which  is  the  fashionable 
uptown  Tammany  club  of  the  Twenty-third  Assembly  District.  It  was  located  in 
a  fine  five-story  brown-stone  building,  on  West  124th  street,  nearly  facing  Mount 
Morris  Park,  and  adjacent  to  the  then  residence  of  Mr.  Croker.  This  club  had  a 
membership  of  fully  one  thousand  active  Democrats,  including  nearly  all  the  most 
prominent  members  of  the  Fourteenth-street  Wigwam.  Arrangements  were 
made  with  the  Edison  Company  to  furnish  the  large  number  of  541  incandescent 
lights,  naturally  of  the  national  colors,  red,  white  and  blue,  with  which  to  illumin- 
ate the  front  of  the  club-house.  Expense  was  no  object,  but  the  finest  and  most 
gorgeous  decoration  obtainable  was.  Two  thousand  feet  of  wire  was  used  in 
putting  up  these  lights. 

It  was  at  this  club  that  Mr.  Cleveland  was  entertained  by  the  Tammany  lead- 
ers after  the  great  "  Notification  meeting"  at  the  Madison  Square  Garden,  held 
on  the  evening  of  July  20th,  1892. 


144 


CHAPTER     XLVIII. 


AFTER  THE  NOMINATION. 


[S—V^  _  — ^r=a  HE  first  public  meeting  of  the  Tammany  Society  after  the 
Itf  hP^BrPk*!  nomination  of  Mr.  Cleveland  was  that  held    on    the    national 

anniversary.  On  this  occasion  it  was  commenced  somewhat 
informally  by  a  person  in  the  large  assembly  room  of  Tam- 
many Hall,  before  the  official  time  of  meeting,  arising  and 
calling  for  three  cheers  for  Groyer  Cleveland.  Four  thousand 
followers  of  the  Wigwam  had  gathered  there  to  celebrate  Independence  Day. 
They  responded  to  the  call  for  cheers  with  such  enthusiasm  as  to  interrupt  the 
regular  proceedings  for  fully  five  minutes.  Never,  perhaps,  in  the  history  of 
Tammany  Hall  has  the  mention  of  a  favorite  son's  name  been  received  with  such 
a  welcome  as  that  aroused  by  the  two  magic  words,  "  Grover  Cleveland." 

The  repeated  and  long-continued  outbursts  of  cheers  for  the  Democratic  can- 
didate for  President  astonished  the  politicians.  Those  who  are  prominent  in  the 
councils  of  Tammany  Hall  and  were  seated  on  the  platform  watched  the  crowd 
with  evident  astonishment.  Hundreds  of  men  with  lusty  throats  jumped  on 
chairs  and  shouted  for  Cleveland.  As  many  more  threw  their  hats  into  the  air. 
It  was  a  wonderful  Cleveland  demonstration — and  it  occurred  in  Tammany  Hall. 

Congressmen  from  the  Southern  and  Western  States  were  palpably 
astounded.  Several  of  them,  who  had  favored  Cleveland's  nomination  at  Chicago, 
referred  to  the  demonstration  in  their  speeches.  They  said  there  could  no  longer 
be  any  doubt  that  Tammany  Hall  was  sincerely  enlisted  for  the  national  ticket. 

The  celebration  itself  was  one  of  the  most  successful  ever  held  by  Tammany 
Hall  on  the  natal  day. 

The  large  assembly  room  was  handsomely  decorated,  light  blue  velvet,  em- 
broidered with  gold  stars,  was  festooned  around  the  platform,  gallery  and  boxes. 
The  escutcheons  of  the  various  States  hung  on  stall's  along  the  gallery  front,  and 
the  Star-Spangled  Banner  was  the  only  flag  to  be  seen.  In  the  centre  of  the 
platform  was  a  bank  of  roses.  On  each  side  was  an  immense  floral  horseshoe. 
One  of  these  bore  the  inscription  "  1789,"  the  year  of  Tammany  Society's  found- 
ing. The  other  was  florally  inscribed  with  the  date  "  i8o_>,"  the  [16th  year  of 
American  freedom. 

There  was  not  even  standing  space  in  the  assembly  room  at  to  o'clock. 
Every  seat  on  the  floor  and  in  the  gallery  and  boxes  had  been  occupied  long 
before  the  hour  set  for  the  beginning  of  the  programme.  Payne's  Sixty-ninth 
Regiment  Hand  played  popular  and  patriotic  music,  while  the  crowd  awaited  the 
appearance  of  the  Sachems,  the  officers  of  the  Society  and  the  orators. 

In  the  meeting  room  of  the  Executive  Committee  sat  Richard  Croker.  He 
was  surrounded  by  his  advisers  and  district  leaders.  The  Sachems  of  the  Society 
wore  huge  collars  of  bine  velvet  with  stripes  of  gold.     Mr.  Croker  wore  one  of 


1 1 

these  insignia.  While  the  members  oi  the  Societj  were  receiving  red  badgi  to 
pin  on  the  left  breast,  the  ( iongressional  guests  arrived  in  barouches  Cong 
man  Amos  J.  Cummings  piloted  them  through  the  crowd  to  the  pre  i  n<  i  oi  Mr. 
Croker.  ["hey  were  introduced  to  the  I  ammanj  leader  and  In-  gave  each  of  tin  m 
a  hearty  reception.  After  the  introduction  the  Congressmen  ^t < •■  ><  1  around  in 
groups.  Thej  took  good  looks  at  the  rammam  Mall  chief  the)  had  heard  30 
much  about. 

"It  is  time  we  went  upstairs,"  remarked  Commissioner  Gilroy 

"Yes,"  answered  Leader  Croker.  "  Form  in  line  ami  mihI  some  one  to 
tell  the  band  t<>  strike  up  a  march." 

It  was  a  few  minutes  after  10  when  the  procession  started  on  its  winding 
inarch  upstairs.  William  II.  Dobbs,  the  Sagamore,  was  in  the  had,  bearing  aloft 
the  liberty  cap  on  a  six  lent  pole,  lie  was  followed  by  Commissioner  Gilroy, 
the  Grand  Sachem.  Then  came  Daniel  M.  Donegan,  tin-  Wiskinkie,  carrying  a 
tomahawk,  and  Sachems  Croker,  Charles  Welde,  John  McQuade,  John  J.  Gor- 
man, William  II.  Clark,  W.  Bourke  Cockran,  Bernard  F.  Martin,  Henry  D.  Pur- 
roy,  rhomas  i..  Feitner,  John  II.  V.  Arnold  and  Maurice  F.  Holahan,  Scribe,  and 
John  B.  McGoldrick,  Secretary.  They  escorted  Congressman  William  J.  Bryan, 
of  Nebraska;  Congressman  John  O.  Pendleton,  of  West  Virginia;  Congressman 
Benjamin  A.  Enloe,  of  Tennessee;  Congressman  II.  A.  Herbert,  of  Alabama; 
Congressman  Adolph  Meyer,  of  Louisiana;  Congressman  (  )wen  Scott,  of  Illinois; 
Congressman  C.  II.  Mansur,  of  Missouri;  Congressman  J.  X.  I'.  Castle,  of  Minne- 
sota; Delegate  W.  A.  Smith,  of  Arizona;  Mr.  S.  M .  White,  of  California,  and 
ex-Governor  Bigg,  of  Delaware.  At  the  end  of  the  procession  came  Colonel 
Fellows,  Judge  Marline,  James  W.  Collier,  the  theatrical  manager,  who  had 
always  been  a  faithful  Wigwamite;  Judge  Ehrlich,  ex-Senator  John  J.  Cullen, 
Police  Commissioner  Martin.  Dock  Commissioner  (ram.  James  W.  Boyle,  Wil- 
liam 11.  Burke,  Nelson  J.  Waterbury.  Jr.,  Nelson  Smith  and  Congressman 
Dunphy. 

As  soon  as  the  procession  arrived  at  the  doors  of  the  big  had  the  crowd  set 
up  a  shout  and  the  band  played  a  grand  march.  Reaching  the  platform,  the  dis- 
tinguished visitors  were  given  front  seats  and  Grand  Sachem  Gilroy  took  posses- 
sion of  the  Chairman's  table. 

Senator  Daniel,  of  Virginia,  and  Congressman  Wilson,  of  West  Virginia, 
Permanent  Chairman  of  the  Chicago  Convention,  were  to  deliver  "long  talks." 
Neither  was  able  to  do  so.  Senator  Daniel  did  not  come  to  New  York.  Con- 
gressman Wilson  arrived  Sunday  evening,  but  was  taken  ill  at  the  Hoffman 
House. 

Letters  were  read  from  distinguished  members  of  the  party  who  had  been 
invited  but  were  unable  to  attend  the  celebration.  Secretary  McGoldrick  be°-an 
reading  the  first  letter. 

"  Gray  Gables,"  he  said,  but  he  had  scarcely  sounded  the  last  syllable  when  a 
mighty  cheer  went  up.  He  was  compelled  to  stop  reading  by  the  continuance  of 
the  applause.  It  was  at  this  point  that  the  man  in  the  gallery  proposed  three 
cheers  for  Cleveland,  and  the  crowd  renewed  its  enthusiasm  for  the  head  of  the 
national  ticket.     Mr.  Cleveland's  letter  was  then  read  as  follows: 


146 


MR.  CLEVELAND'S  LETTER. 

Gray  Gables,  Buzzard's  Bay,  Mass.,  June  29,  1892. 
Hon.   Thomas  F.   Gii.roy,  Grand  Sachem. 

Dear  Sir— I  acknowledge  with  thanks  the  courtesy  of  an  invitation  to  attend  the  cele- 
bration of  the  one  hundred  and  sixteenth  anniversary  of  American  Independence,  by  the 
Tammany  Society,  on  the  4th  day  of  July  next. 

It  will  be  impossible  for  me  to  take  part  in  the  interesting  exercises  you  contemplate; 
but  I  hope  the  celebration  will  be  abundantly  pleasant  and  profitable  to  those  who  are 
fortunately  able  to  participate. 

I  -believe  that  Independence  Day  should  be  celebrated  with  zeal  and  enthusiasm  by 
the  old  and  young  in  every  part  of  our  land  and  in  every  condition  of  American  life.  No 
man,  woman  or  child  within  the  limits  of  American  citizenship  should  forget  or  outgrow 
the  sentiments  related  to  the  observance  of  the  Fourth  day  of  July. 

Because  there  are  influences  and  tendencies  abroad  which  tend  to  the  neglect  of  this 
anniversary  the  valuable  and  patriotic  efforts  of  the  Tammany  Society  to  rescue  it  from 
indifference  ought  to  be  universally  applauded. 

I  notice  that  my  invitation  contains  the  declaration  that  the  coming  celebration  by  the 
Society  "  is  designed  to  be  of  exceptional  significance  and  extended  effect."  I  have  no  fear 
that  this  design  will  miscarry,  for  I  am  satisfied  that  the  Tammany  Society  will  not  lose 
the  opportunity  the  occasion  affords  to  teach  that  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  a 
movement  on  the  part  of  the  people  determined  to  govern  themselves;  that  the  patriotism 
it  inspires  enjoins  unselfish  care  for  our  country's  welfare;  that  political  endeavor  is  only 
safe  and  useful  when  undertaken  in  the  people's  interest,  and  that  political  organization 
is  only  effective  and  successful  when  approved  and  trusted  by  an  intelligent  popular  judg- 
ment. Yours  very  truly, 

Grover  Cleveland. 

This  letter,  like  every  other  reference  to  Grover  Cleveland,  was  received  with 
hearty  applause. 

A  letter  was  then  read  from  Senator  David  B.  Hill,  which  was  less  unanim- 
ously applauded.     In  this  the  following  sentiments  were  expressed: 

"  This  year's  celebration  of  the  anniversary  of  the  country's  independence,  preceding 
as  it  does  an  important  political  contest  involving  the  supremacy  of  the  essential  principles 
of  our  free  government,  may  appropriately  be  made  the  occasion  of  the  renewal  of  our 
faith  in  those  cherished  principles  which  have  been  for  many  years  faithfully  championed 
by  the  intrepid  Democracy  of  Tammany  Hall. 

"  In  my  judgment  the  hope  of  the  people  lies  in  the  success  of  the  Democratic  party. 
Better  than  any  other  political  organization  it  protects  their  rights  and  represents  their 
best  interests.  It  has  always  been  the  defender  of  constitutional  liberty  and  of  the 
reserved  rights  of  the  States.  It  opposes  centralization;  it  boldly  maintains  the  doctrine 
that  Federal  taxation  should  be  for  public  rather  than  private  purpose;  it  advocates 
honest  money — the  gold  and  silver  currency  of  our  Constitution;  it  favors  home  rule  for 
States  and  municipalities;  it  insists  upon  an  honest  and  economical  expenditure  of  public 
money;  it  opposes  force  bills  and  Federal  interference  in  domestic  affairs  of  States;  it 
antagonizes  monopolies;  it  rejects  unjust  sumptuary  legislation;  it  is  a  friend  of  labor 
and  it  hates  hypocrisy,  sham  and  fraud.     *    *    * 

"The  Democracy  of  New  York  in  the  approaching  struggle  should  present  a  solid  front 
to  the  common  enemy.  Loyalty  to  cardinal  Democratic  principles  and  regularly  nominated 
candidates  is  the  supreme  duty  of  the  hour. 

"  I   remain  your  fellow-citizen, 

"  David  B.  Hill." 

The  next  letter  read  was  from  Governor  Flower,  of  New  York.  All  the  let- 
ters received  could  not  be  read,  so  numerous  were  they  from  all  parts  of  the 
country. 

Congressman  Owen  Scott,  of  Illinois,  made  some  highly  interesting  remarks, 
and  was  followed  by  E.  T.  Talieferro,  of  Alabama,  who  said  that  he  had  never 
addressed  an  audience  north  of  the  Ohio  River,  but  lie  believed  that  (he  North 
and  South  were  united  and  cemented  by  the  bond  of  brotherhood. 


147 

••  l  cnme  North  novorni  yean  nRo,"  iald  b>-,  "  and  w  hlle  hi in  att<  ndi  d  ■  Fourth  of  July 
celebration  In  Boston.  Thera  was  tin-  same  music,  the  lame  entbualaam  thai  we  tnanl 
rested  In  the  South.  The  baitds  played  Brsl  'Columbia,1  then  'Dixie,'  and  then,  swsatei 
than  all,  came  the  strains  <>r  "Home  Sweet  Home.'  it  was  tiu-  pleasure  experienced  In 
thai  celebration  thai  made  me  glad  to  accepl  the  Invitation  t"  come  here  to  day.  i  have  n 
message  to  deliver  to  you.  The  success  of  the  Democratic  ticket  In  this  election  m 
upon  the  Issue  bf  the  Force  bill,  life  or  death  politically  to  Alabama.  Le1  me  carry  the 
message  back  t<>  my  people  thai  you  will  Join  hands  with  us  In  an  attack  against  thi 
contests  In  the  past,  of  her  convii  tlons,  and  of  the  courage  of  her  convii  I 

"  We  have  heard  a  great  deal  about  Tammany  in  the  South.  We  have  heard  of  bei 
heard  of  you,  and  some  look  upon  you  as  a  tradition  or  as  a  legend  During  the  Chicago 
convention  we  stood  Bpellbound  before  the  eloquence  <>f  your  matchless  orator,  Bourke 
Cockran,  and  we  could  do  nothing   but   respect   you    and    love    you."     (Cheers.) 

Other  speakers  were  S.  M.  White,  of  California;  II.  Mansur,  of  Missouri,  and 
Congressman  Pendleton,  of  Wist  Virginia. 

The  visiting  Congressmen  who  favored  Cleveland's  nomination  wore  de- 
lighted  at  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Tammanyites  for  Mr.  Cleveland.  "  Cleveland," 
said  Congressman  Herbert,  of  Alabama,  "  will  be  supported  royally  by  Tammany 
Mall.  Why,  the  cheering  for  him  here  to-day  almost  equals  the  cheering  he 
received  at  Chicago  when  he  was  nominated." 

"  When  I  go  home,"  said  Congressman  Bryan,  of  Nebraska,  "  I  will  tell  the 
Democrats  of  Nebraska  that  New  York  is  all  right.  Tammany  Hall  is  a  great 
organization,  and  it  is  solid  for  the  ticket." 

The  regular  programme  was  begun  by  Grand  Sachem  Gilroy  extending  a 
welcome  to  the  visiting  Democratic  Congressmen  and  the  crowd  in  general. 
After  the  song  "Our  Glorious  Union  Forever."  by  the  Tammany  Glee  Club. 
Commissioner  of  Accounts  Charles  G.  F.  Wahle  read  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence in  a  loud  and  clear  voice. 

Congressman  William  J.  Bryan  was  introduced  as  the  first  speaker.  He  was 
warmly  cheered.  Before  he  began  some  one  proposed  three  cheers  for  Mr. 
Wilson,  the  crowd  thinking  Mr.  Bryan  was  the  West  Virginia  Congress- 
man. They  were  followed  with  cheers  for  Tammany  Hall  and  the  Demo- 
cratic party.  Mr.  Bryan  was  forced  to  wait  several  minutes  before  the  cheering 
subsided.  Then  he  spoke  for  nearly  an  hour.  He  was  heard  throughout  the 
hall  and  his  speech  was  frequently  interrupted  with  applause. 

In  concluding,  Mr.  Bryan  said  that  in  his  own  State  of  Nebraska,  while  the 
Democrats  were  clearly  in  a  majority  and  had  a  majority  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, the  legislative  districts  were  so  divided  that  the  Republican  party, 
although  in  a  minority,  elected  their  own  Senators. 

"  The  time  is  coming,"  said  he.  "  when  the  election  of  United  States  Sena- 
tors should  be  taken  from  our  State  legislators  anil  placed  directly  in  the  hands 
of  the  people."     (Prolonged  cheers.) 

•No  one  at  this  time  even  dreamed  that  Congressman  Bryan  would  be  the 
Democratic  Presidential  candidate  in  1896  and  1900. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  next  day,  July  5th,  a  meeting  of  the  Fxecutive  Com- 
mittee was  held,  the  ostensible  object  being  to  obtain  reports  from  the  leaders  of 
the  twenty-four  Assembly  Districts,  and  to  consider  a  proposition  to  divide  the 
city  into  thirty  districts,  as  coidd  legally  be  done  under  the  recent  Act  of  the 
Legislature  on  Reapportionment.  The  reports  were  not  ready,  but  the  time  was 
utilized  to  very  good  purpose.     A  private  conference  between  Messrs.  Croker, 


148 

Gilroy  and  the  Corporation  Counsel,  Mr.  Clark,  was  held,  which  resulted  in  the 
presentation  of  the  following  resolution  to  the  committee: 

Resolved,  That  the  Tammany  organization,  in  executive  meeting  assembled,  cordially 
indorse  the  principles  enunciated  by  the  Democratic  National  Convention  at  Chicago,  and 
pledges  its  earnest  and  untiring  support  to  the  nominees  of  that  convention— Grover 
Cleveland,  of  New  York  and  Adlai  E.  Stevenson,  of  Illinois. 

The  resolution  was  unanimously  adopted,  Mr.  Gilroy  (Grand  Sachem)  pre- 
sided at  this  meeting.  In  behalf  of  the  resolution  Mr.  Croker  spoke  for  the  space 
of  twenty  minutes,  a  long  speech  for  him.  He  urged  upon  the  members  of  the 
Executive  Committee  the  great  importance  of  the  coming  elections,  and  the 
necessity  for  earnest  work,  explaining,  fully,  that  though  the  Tammany  delegation 
had  worked  for  Senator  Hill  in  the  past,  it  was  now  their  duty  to  support  the 
nominees  of  the  national  convention.     He  said: 

"  We  gave  Mr.  Hill  our  best,  and  taking  all  the  circumstances  together,  we  did  the  right 
thing.  But  Mr.  Hill  wasn't  nominated  and  Cleveland  was.  I  am  convinced  that  Mr. 
Cleveland  is  stronger  with  the  people  than  Mr.  Hill  would  have  been  and  that  the  party  is 
not  weakened  by  his  nomination.  I  have  been  looking  over  the  field  and  I  am  convinced 
also  that  Cleveland  can  carry  the  State  by  a  larger  majority  than  any  Presidential  candi- 
date in  a  generation.  It  is  a  rather  curious  thing— I  don't  know  whether  you  have  noticed 
It  or  not— but  Presidential  results  in  this  State  alternate.  Mr.  Lincoln  carried  the  State  in 
1864.  In  '68  Seymour  carried  it  for  the  Democrats.  Then  Grant,  in  '72,  brought  the  State 
to  the  Republicans.  But  in  '76  again  Mr.  Tilden  carried  it,  Garfield  in  '80,  Cleveland  in 
'84,  and  Harrison  in  1S88.    It  is  swinging  toward  the  Democracy  this  year. 

"  The  party  will  carry  the  State,  and  it  is  our  affair  to  create  a  majority  in  New  York 
that  shall  be  greater  than  that  of  Seymour  in  1868,  Tilden  in  1876  or  Cleveland's  first  major- 
ity in  1884. 

"  Now  I  want  the  district  leaders  to  talk  to  the  district  captains  and  the  men  upon 
whom  ycu  depend.  Urge  them  to  work  harder  this  year  than  they  ever  have  done.  If 
there  is  any  grumbling  against  Cleveland  stop  it.  Heal  up  any  little  disaffection  that  may 
exist  in  your  districts  and  all  pull  together." 

After  some  other  remarks,  all  in  the  same  spirit,  the  district  leaders  were 
asked  to  report  on  the  feeling  prevailing  in  their  several  districts  at  an  early  date. 
There  seemed  to  be  the  best  of  feeling  in  the  Committee,  and  perfect  confidence 
that  they  were  going  to  fight  for  the  winning  ticket.  And  their  premonitions 
proved  to  be  correct. 


I  l<l 


CHARTEK    XLIX. 

A  RED  LETTER  DAY. 


ary,  [892,  was  a  red  letter  day  with  Tammany 
late  (the  anniversarj  of  the  battle  of  New 
.  is  always  a  day  of  special  observance  with  them, 
ing  a  \  ictorj  won  by  a  I  Jemocratic  <  leneral  after  their 
own  hearts,  General  Andrew  Jackson.  I'm  on  thai  particular 
anniversary  they  had  more  modern  victories  to  celebrate  and 
rejoice  over.  Not  only  had  the  November  elections  filled  their  hearts  with 
renewed  courage,  but  their  already  large  membership  was  growing  so  rapidly  that 
the  Secretary  almost  required  an  assistant  to  aid  him  in  recording  the  names  of 
returning  wanderers,  as  well  as  of  new  recruits. 

On  the  lirst  of  January  there  were  already  eighl  thousand  recorded,  and  each 
day  thereafter  added  largely  to  the  number;  but  on  the  8th  they  poured  into  the 
handsome  \\  igwam,  on  fourteenth  street,  with  a  rush.  Regiments  of  politicians, 
who  had  long  been  fighting  against  Tammany,  had  given  up  the  battle  and  sur- 
rendered at  discretion,  ready  once  more  to  renew  their  allegiance,  and  very  glad 
to  get  back  home  again.  County  1  )emocrats,  \  oorhisites,  and  even  Republicans, 
had  abandoned  the  tepees  of  the  weakened  enemy,  and  made  with  all  speed  for  the 
shelter  of  the  strong  defences  of  the  old  Wigwam.  There  were  also  a  large  num- 
ber of  young  men  anxious  to  cast  in  their  lot  with  the  conquering  tribe.  All  were 
welcomed,  the  old  truants  with  the  new  pupils. 

Among  some  of  the  well-known  names  added  to  the  membership  was  that  of 
William  S.  Andrews,  the  great  "  Resolution  Draftsman  "  of  the  County  Democ- 
racy; Jordan  L.  Mott,  a  sometime  truant;  Mr.  Charles  W.  Dayton  appeared  as  a 
debutant.  One  of  those  who  excited  much  interest  was  William  J.  O'Dair,  who 
had  just  been  elected  to  the  Assembly  in  the  Twenty-third  District  of  New  York 
as  a  combined  Republican  and  County  Democrat.  Pie  was  warmly  congratulated 
upon  getting  under  the  shelter  of  the  Wigwam.  One  of  the  candidates  for 
Alderman  in  the  Sixth  District,  who  had  deserted  only  a  few  weeks  before,  came 
in  looking  very  happy,  indeed,  to  be  readmitted;  while  hundreds,  who  must  here 
be  nameless,  but  who  had  voted  against  Tammany  in  November,  joined  the  crowd 
already  anxiously  awaiting  enrollment  at  the  hands  of  the  Secretary.  Among 
those  who  could  not  escape  observation,  if  he  would,  was  the  tall  President  of  the 
Brooklyn  Bridge,  Colonel  Alfred  Wagstaff. 

\t  8  P.  M.  a  general  adjournment  took  place,  and  the  ever-growing  crowd, 
leaving  the  lower  offices,  made  their  way  to  the  public  Hall,  where  Nelson 
Smith  was  made  Chairman;  John  B.  McGoldrick,  Reading  Secretary;  Joel  O. 
Stevens  and  John  G.  H.  Meyer.  Recording  Secretaries:  John  McQuade,  Treas- 
urer; Robert  Kelly,  Sergeant-at-Arms. 

Resolutions  were  passed  in  approval  of  ex-Governor  Hill,  also  affirming  the 
necessity  of  economy  in  State  affairs,  and  commending  the  administration  of  the 


150 

city  finances.  Mr.  Cockran  then  followed  in  a  very  fervid  speech  in  which  he 
referred  to  the  fact  of  the  numerous  victories  of  Tammany  and  also  to  the  speedy 
recuperation  of  the  party  after  their  occasional  defeats. 

Mayor  Gilroy  then  introduced  the  following  resolution:  "That  we  denounce 
the  tyrannical,  unchristian,  and  barbarious  persecution  of  inoffensive  Hebrews 
by  the  Russian  Government,  and  extend  to  the  helpless  victims  of  this  ferocious 
oppression  our  heartfelt  sympathy,  in  the  misery  under  which  they  suffer." 

This  was  passed  unanimously. 

It  was  freely,  though  quietly,  stated,  on  this  occasion,  that  the  Society  had  a 
preference  for  the  nominee  at  the  ensuing  Democratic  Convention,  but  that,  if 
their  preference  could  not  be  secured,  Tammany  would  loyally  sustain  whomso- 
ever the  convention  should  select.  Before  separating  the  Executive  Committee 
appointed  a  special  committee  to  visit  Washington,  on  January  20th,  to  urge  the 
National  Democratic  Committee  to  select  the  City  of  New  York  as  the  place  for ' 
holding  the  nominating  convention  the  ensuing  month  of  June. 


If  this  was  a  day  of  rejoicing,  still  greater  was  the  jubilation  at  the  close  of 
the  year  1892,  when,  after  the  grand  national  victory  of  November  had  been  duly 
celebrated,  and  the  routine  business  for  the  coming  year  provided  for  by  the  hold- 
ing of  primaries  in  each  of  the  thirty  Assembly  Districts  of  the  city,  in  which,  at 
this  time,  there  were  no  contests  of  any  importance,  all  was  peace  and  harmony 
in  the  Wigwam.  The  only  stragglers  were  those  outside,  striving  to  get  in ;  all 
the  once  opposing  parties  seemed  of  one  mind,  in  this  emulation.  Scenes  of  the 
same  nature  had  occurred  before  in  the  history  of  the  Society,  but  on  this  occasion 
the  rush  was  unprecedented — including  not  only  County  Democrats,  Anti- 
Snappers,  Voorhis  men,  but  also  old  Republicans,  who  came  in  shoals,  not  for- 
getting a  contingent  from  the  old  O'Brien  faction.  Among  the  notable  Republi- 
can converts  was  John  Nugent,  a  recent  leader  in  the  Republican  Tenth  Assembly 
District.  Another  of  note  was  Dr.  Wicks  Washburn.  Still  another  very  active 
Republican  convert  was  Mr.  James  Hart.  Then,  again,  William  P.  J.  Carthy, 
ex- Assemblyman;  City  Paymaster  P.  J.  Timmerman;  H.  N.  Elliot,  and  others 
from  the  County  Democracy. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  converts  from  the  Republican  party,  who  re- 
nounced his  old  allegiance,  and  came  to  cast  in  his  lot  with  the  Democracy,  was 
the  Rev.  Nicholas  Bjerring,  formerly  of  the  Greco-Russian  Church  in  this 
city,  well-known  in  literary  and  social  circles  of  the  metropolis. 

Among  the  curiosities  of  conversion  was  observed  one  of  John  T.  Davenport's 
old  political  employees. 

The  only  changes  in  district  leaderships  for  the  year  were  in  the  First,  Third 
and  Thirtieth  Districts,  where  Colonel  Michael  C.  Murphy.  Assemblyman  Timo- 
thy Sullivan  and  Coroner  John  B.  Shea,  succeeded  respectively,  Frank  T.  Fitz- 
gerald, Henry  C.  Miner  and  Henry  D.  Purroy.  The  new  General  Committee 
had,  at  that  date,  a  voting  membership  of  3,539,  and  an  actual  membership  of  from 
12,000  to  15,000.  The  District  Committees  averaging  about  1,500  each,  making 
a  total  of  45,000  for  the  whole  city. 

It  is  one  of  the  most  interesting  features  of  the  historical  Tammany  organi- 
zation that  it  has  ever  been  subjected  to  alternate  periods  of  virulent  attacks  by 


'5' 

us  political  enemies,  interspersed  with  seasons  oi  spe<  ial  in<  rease  in  growth,  in- 
fluence, and  consequent  elation  of  spirits  Ever  since  the  dissolution  of  the  old 
Federal  party,  these  contrasts  have  occurred.  (  ither  parties  have  lived  out  their 
appointed  time,  fallen  into  the  senile  stage,  utterlj  md  died  a  natural 

death,  while  the  Tammany  Democracy,  invariably  rallies  upon  the  old  battle- 
ground with  renewed  vigor,  after  ever)  temporarj  set  back. 

Win  thfs  radical  difference  in  the  fate  of  the  Tammany  Society,  and  us 
numerous  and  varied  defuncl  opponents? 

I-  it  nol  in  -real  measure  from  th<  fad  that  the  Tammany  Society  has  always 
acted  upon  broad  genera]  principles  which  ever)  man  can  understand  Mich  as 
the  equalit)  of  all  classes  before  the  law;  tin-  righl  to  freedom  of  personal  action 
up  to  the  limit  of  non-interference  with  others;  the  duty  of  all  citizens  to  defend 
the  integrity  of  the  soil.  The  right  of  the  States  to  maintain  all  the  prerogatives 
conceded  to  them  by  the  Constitution;  the  right  of  cities  and  towns  to  control 
their  ow  n  local  affairs? 

On  the  other  hand,  their  opponents  have  been  in  tin  habit  of  assuming  a 
spirit  of  superior  virtue,  unaccompanied  by  any  evidence  of  this  possession,  with 
a  strong  tendency  to  favor  classes,  and  to  interfere  with  the  natural  rights  of  indi- 
viduals; in  sumptuary  matters. 

Particularly  of  late  years  it  has  been  very  noticeable  how  largely  the  Republi- 
can campaigns  have  been  conducted  (in  this  State),  on  the  simple  ground  of  abuse. 
condemnation,  and  unmitigated  slanders  against  Tammany,  without  evidence  or 
logical  argument.  Honest  people  will  not  bear  too  much  of  that  sort  of  thing, 
and  the  natural  impulse  is,  with  those  accessible  to  reason,  to  resent  such  whole- 
sale abuse  of  their  fellow  citizens  and  finally  to  sympathize  with  and  act  with 
them;  Much  oi  the  latter  day  strength  of  Tammany  is  recruited  from  voters 
fairly  driven  out  of  the  Republican  ranks  by  their  dishonest  and  unjust  treatment 
of  their  Democratic  opponents. 


152 


CHAPTER   L. 
THE  TARIFF— MAYOR  GILROY'S  MESSAGE. 

|  HE  new  year,  1894,  opened  with  the  cheering  announcement  by 
the  retiring  Democratic  Governor,  Roswell  P.  Flower,  that  the 
State  of  New  York,  for  the  first  time  in  seventy-five  years,  was 
free  from  debt.  Has  it  been  free  from  debt  under  his  Republi- 
can successors?  In  this  message  of  the  Governor  another 
subject  of  importance  to  the  metropolis  was  referred  to,  as 
"  the  rising  sentiment  in  favor  of  consolidation  of  the  neighboring  towns  and 
cities."  At  this  time  the  tax-rate  of  the  City  of  New  York  was  lower  than  that 
of  any  large  city  in  the  United  States,  and  this  was  under  a  Democratic  Mayor, 
who  was  also  a  Tammany  Sachem. 

Early  in  January  it  is  usually  the  custom  to  reorganise  the  Tammany  Hall 
Committees;  that  is,  if  changes  in  the  leadership  or  membership  seems  best  for 
the  interest  of  the  Wigwam;  if  not  required,  of  course,  the  status  is  not  disturbed. 
Changes  are  only  made  for  cause,  not  arbitrarily. 

The  question  of  the  tariff  and  the  "  Bland  Bill,"  for  the  coinage  of  the  silver 
seigniorage  in  the  Treasury,  was  occupying  the  attention  of  Congress,  while  the 
evil  effect  of  the  McKinley  bill  was  pressing  upon  the  business  and  commercial 
interests  of  the  metropolis,  and  the  suffering,  but  unthinking,  were  clamoring 
against  the  President  for  not  producing  the  "good  times"  which  had  been  hoped 
for,  but  for  the  failure  of  which  the  administration  was  in  no  way  responsible — 
for  one  reason  that  his  predecessor  had  left  an  empty  treasury. 

One  of  the  earliest  meetings  of  Tammany's  General  Committee,  in  January, 
1895,  adopted  a  resolution  expressing  the  general  Democratic  sentiment  as  to  the 
desirability  of  a  prompt  settlement  of  the  Tariff  question,  which  resolution,  infer- 
entially,  at  least,  condemned  the  Wilson  bill  as  an  unconstitutional  and  undemo- 
cratic measure,  which  was  one  of  the  main  causes  of  delayed  prosperity.  In  fact, 
the  recent  Congressional  elections  (special)  in  the  Fourteenth  and  Fifteenth  Dis- 
tricts were  mainly  of  interest  as  affecting  votes  on  that  half-way  and  generally 
unsatisfactory  bill. 

For  seven  years  the  Democratic  party  had  been  struggling  for  a  radical 
reform  of  the  tariff.  In  the  House,  the  Democratic  votes  had  passed  the  reason- 
able Mills  bill,  but  this  was  lost  in  the  Republican  Senate.  Of  course,  under  the 
Harrison  administration,  no  progress  could  be  made;  but  in  1890  the  contest  was 
renewed,  and  the  elections  of  that  year  showed  a  popular  majority  of  over  1,300,- 
000  against  a  high  protective  tariff,  and  gave  a  Democratic  majority  of  148  in  the 
House,  but  the  Senate  still  stood  in  the  way  of  relief;  and  thus  the  Wilson  bill 
was  finally  accepted  by  the  Democrats,  because  they  could  get  no  better,  though 
it  was  far  from  meeting  the  wishes  of  the  party.  The  later  Dingley  bill  was  called 
the  "  revenue-reducing  bill." 

The  annual  message  of  the  Mayor  of  New  York,  Mr.  Gilroy,  was,  or  ought 
to  have  been,  a  convincing  document,  disproving  the   frequent  charge  against 


tS3 

Tammany,  by  its  enemies,  of  mismanagement  and  general  corruption  in  the 
administration  ol  municipal  affairs     showing,  as  il  did,  thai    while  th 
had  been  materiall)  reduced,  most  valuable  improvements  had  been  carried  on; 
and  this  in  face  of  the  fad  that  New  York  city  had  paid  verj  heavy  State  ta 
out  of  all  proportion  to  the  taxes  paid  bj  the  counti  \  <  oun 

During  the  year  just  passed  the  cit\  had  expended,  or  contracted,  foi  exten 
sive  dock  improA  ements  the  sum  of  $2,750,000;  for  nev»  school  houses,  $i   1  1  1,0  o; 
for  street  repairs,  $1,000,000 ;   for  (  roton  water  works,  including  additional  high- 
water  service,  and  the  sanitary  protection  of  water  supply,  $3,750,000;    for  new 
armories,  $240,000;   for  the  Museums  of  Art  and  Natural  History,  $196,000. 

In  addition  to  these  Minis,  there  was  expended  for  new  buildings,  including 

tin'  splendid  new   Court   I  lonse.  on  (  Yntre  street,  and  a  new  asylum  for  the  insane, 

in  asphalting  numerous  streets,  in  rebuilding  the  interior  of  Castle  Garden  and 
establishing  th(  Aquarium  there,  with  other  improvements  and  adornments  of 
the  city  in  all  to  the  amount  ^\  $20,850,000.  During  all  the  hard  winter  the 
Mayor  was  indefatigable  in  devising  means  for  the  employment  of  men  whose 
usual  avocations  had  been  interrupted  by  the  general  stagnation  of  business. 

In  the  spring  there  was  a  fresh  outburst  of  anti-Tamman)  combinations, 
including  those  chronic  factionists,  the  Steckler  brothers;  the  Michael  Duffy 
Association;  Walter  Indian's  rather  limited  followers;  and  some  of  the  "left- 
over" Voorhis  party;  while  the  perennial  Parkhurst  was  in  full  bloom  again. 
Later  in  the  season  the  combination  was  increased  by  the  organization  of  the 
redoubtable  "  Seventy,"  with  which  the  so-called  Good  Government  Clubs  affili- 
ated. It  was  at  this  period,  April  23d,  £894,  that  the  "  Lexow  Committee"  was 
appointed  at  Albany  to  inquire  into  the  charges  against  the  police  force  of  New 
York  city,  of  which  all  the  convictions  found  were  subsequent^  quashed  in  the 
Supreme  Court,  sitting  on  May  21,  1896,  chiefly  on  the  ground  that  the  wkn 
produced  by  the  prosecution  were  of  such  debased  character  and  criminal  record 
as  to  be  unworthy  of  belief.  The  lawyer  employed  on  behalf  of  Parkhurst,  the 
chief  complainant,  was  John  W.  Goff,  later  Recorder  of  New  York.  The 
most  despicable  means  were  employed  by  Parkhurst  to  try  and  injure  the  Tam- 
many organization,  even  descending  to  the  employment  of  young  boy  spies  to 
follow  and  watch  respectable  citizens  (known  to  be  Democrats)  on  election  day. 

A  curious  instance  of  how  prejudice  without  knowledge  nullities  the  reason- 
ing powers  is  illustrated  by  a  little  incident  which  occurred  in  the  course  of  the 
charitable  work  undertaken  by  Tammany  during  the  winter.  One  of  the  "  unco 
guid"  of  the  North  Baptist  Church  was  the  chief  performer  of  the  little  farce. 
Several  thousand  dollars  had  been  raised  by  Tammany  workers  of  the  Ninth  Dis- 
trict, and  this  money  was  put  into  the  hands  of  its  leader,  Mr.  Boyle,  for  distribu- 
tion. He  divided  it  into  smaller  sums  and  sent  checks  to  leading  persons  in  the 
district  whom  he  knew  to  be  trustworthy.  Among  these  was  the  pastor  of  the 
church  referred  to,  the  Rev.  John  J.  Brouner.  Mr.  Boyle  accompanied  the  check 
with  a  kindly  note  requesting  that  the  money  be  dispensed  for  charitable  pur- 
poses. When  the  announcement  (if  the  reception  of  this  unsolicited  gift  was  made 
at  a  church  meeting,  a  Republican  deacon  arose  and  vehemently  opposed  its 
acceptance,  on  the  ground  of  its  "coming  from  a  corrupt  source."  Fortunately, 
the  pastor  was  endowed  with  a  modicum  of  common  sense,  and  kept  the  check, 
subsequently  putting  the  money  to  good  use  in  his  immediate  neighborhood.     A 


"54 

prominent  Tammany  man  remarked,  upon  a  similar  incident.  "  that  the  descend- 
ants of  such  Pharisees  may  be  found  in  politics,"  adding,  "  they  are  those  who 
thank  God  that  they  are  not  as  other  men,  and  straightway  go  out  to  form  Mug- 
wump circles." 

Early  in  May,  Mr.  Croker,  whose  health  had  been  failing  for  some  time, 
resigned  all  his  political  offices  which  he  held  in  the  Tammany  organization, 
retaining  only  simple  membership  therein.  His  resignation,  which  had  been  fore- 
seen, was  accepted  by  all  the  members  present,  with  only  one  dissenting  voice. 
No  other  leader  was  elected  in  Mr.  Croker's  place — a  position  he  had  so  ably  rilled 
for  the  nine  preceding  years,  and,  in  advance  of  this  period,  he  had  rendered  fully 
twenty  years  of  faithful  work  in  the  interests  of  the  organization.  1 1  is  retirement 
at  this  time  did  not  result  from  any  loss  of  interest,  but  was  simply  a  life-saving 
necessity,  and  was  insisted  upon  by  his  physician. 

Mr.  John  McQuade,  a  man  of  large  business  experience,  was  made  Chairman 
of  the  Finance  Committee,  but  the  organization,  as  a  whole,  underwent  no 
material  change,  every  department  being  in  a  healthful  condition,  and  well  able 
to  sustain  their  several  parts  in  the  general  management;  thus  no  immediate 
necessity  existed  for  selecting  a  special  leader.  As  an  old  and  experienced  mem- 
ber remarked:  "When  a  new  leader  is  really  needed,  one  will  be  developed — 
Tammany  never  lacks  able  men." 

The  Fourth  of  July  programme  was  prepared  in  ample  time,  with  the  usual 
supply  of  excellent  speakers  and  the  unfailing  enthusiastic  audience,  but  one- 
event,  which  had  not  been  announced,  was  received  with  a  more  intense  outbreak 
of  rejoicing  than  all  the  rest  of  the  formal  arrangements.  This  was  the  unex- 
pected return  and  appearance  on  the  scene  of  Mr.  Croker,  which,  to  all  but  a  very 
limited  number,  was  wholly  unlocked  for.  His  reception  was  cordial  in  the 
extreme,  and  to  a  great  number  of  those  present  would  have  been  ample  compen- 
sation, if  it  had  simply  been  substituted  for  the  usual  proceedings.  As  full 
descriptions  have  been  given  in  these  pages  of  several  of  these  celebrations,  it  will 
not  be  necessary  to  go  into  any  detailed  description  of  this  one,  which  so  many  of 
our  readers  will  personally  recollect;  and,  really,  the  main  event  of  the  day  was 
the  sudden  return  of  Tammany's  old  chief,  who,  however,  took  no  part  in  the- 
public  proceedings,  only  greeting  the  friends  who  came  to  him  and  departing, 
from  the  hall  before  the  orators  commenced  their  "  long  talks." 


(  ll  \l'i  ER    LI. 

THE  CONSTITUTIONAL  CONVENTION  AND  GOVERNOR  BILL 

HE  Constitutional  Convention  which  met  this  summer  (1894), 
largely  interested  Tammany,  as  dealing  with  the  question  of  the 
reapportionment  of  the  Senate  and  Assembly  districts  of  the 
State,  with  which,  of  course,  considerable  partisan  feeling  in 
both  parties  existed.  It  was  not  a  new  question.  For  the  pro- 
ceeding fifteen  years  it  had  been  the  cause  not  only  of  serious  de- 
bate, but  also  of  not  a  little  ill  feeling.  The  Constitution  of  the  State  had  pro- 
vided that  an  enumeration  of  the  population  should  be  taken  every  ten  years, 
and  that  the  legislative  districts  should  be  apportioned  by  the  Legislature  next 
sitting  upon  the  new  enumeration.  An  enumeration  should  have  been  taken  in 
1885.  At  that  time  David  B.  Hill  was  Governor,  but  the  Republicans  had  con- 
trol of  the  Legislature.  An  enumeration  bill  was  passed,  but  vetoed  by  the  Gov- 
ernor, on  the  gorund  that  it  gave  to  the  Republicans  control  of 
the  appointment  of  the  enumerating  officers.  After  the  Legislature 
adjourned  Governor  Hill  called  an  extra  session,  which  reconvened,  but 
passed  the  same  bill  which  had  been  \  ei'oed.  Discrimination  was  clearly  against 
the  City  of  New  York.  The  greatest  injury  to  the  Democratic  party  fell  on  Kings 
County,  now  the  New  York  Borough  of  Brooklyn.  Tammany  felt  somewhat 
relieved  when  (the  worst  was  known. 

The  Democratic  State  Convention,  which  assembled  in  Saratoga  on  Septem- 
ber 29th,  again  selected  David  B.  Hill  as  their  nominee  for  Governor,  Darnel  N. 
Lockwood,  of  Erie  County,  for  Lieutenant-Governor,  and  William  J.  Gaynor,  of 
Kings  County,  for  Judge  of  Court  of  Appeals.  Although  the  last  State  election 
had  not  been  reassuring,  the  Democratic  party  of  New  York  met  with  brave 
words  and  good  courage  to  renew  the  contest  lost  in  1894.  The  Committee  on 
Credentials  made  its  first  announcement  that  the  regular  delegates  from  New 
York  and  Kings  Counties  would  be  seated.  The  Tammany  Times,  published  in 
New  York  city,  which  was  being  distributed  by  thousands,  helped  to  create  a 
furor  in  favor  of  Hill,  his  picture  being  on  the  front  page,  and  this  was  in  every 
delegate's  hand.  When  Hill's  name  was  regularly  placed  before  the  convention 
and  the  roll  call  demanded,  there  were  383  responses  in  the  affirmative,  every 
county  in  the  State  having  voted  for  him.  On  this  occasion  Mr.  Hill  was  voted 
for  in  spite  of  himself.  His  candidate  had  been  Mr.  Thatcher,  who  was  with- 
drawn. 

The  platform  adopted  expressed  its  condemnation  of  a  single  silver  standard, 
a  worse  than  war  tariff  (the  McKinley),  and  satisfaction  at  the  repeal  of  the  Sher-  ' 
man  law,  adding:  "  We  concur  with  President  Cleveland  in  regard  to  the  new 
tariff,  the  Wilson  bill,  that  it  does  not  embody  the  full  measure  of  tariff  reform 
needed."  "We  reaffirm  the  declaration  of  principles  contained  in  the  Democratic 
National  platform  of  1892,  in  favor  of  honest  money;  economy  in  public  expenses; 
just  and  liberal  provision  for  disabled  Union  soldiers,  and  the  true  principles  of 


156 

Civil  Service  reform."  This  platform  repudiated  the  Income  Tax;  favored  all 
just  legislation  in  the  interests  of  labor,  and  denounced,  "  as  contrary  to  the  spirit 
of  our  institutions,  any  display  of  religious  intolerance  or  political  proscription  on 
account  of  any  special  form  of  religious  belief." 

The  clause  in  the  platform  referring  to  labor  appeared  to  have  been  widely 
read  and  appreciated  by  the  class  most  interested.  At  a  meeting  in  Cooper 
Union,  held  on  October  25th,  which  was  addressed  by  the  nominee  for  Governor, 
the  immense  hall  was  filled  by  almost  exclusively  an  audience  of  workingmen, 
who  had  come  to  see  and  hear  the  man  who  had  done  so  much  for  the  industrial 
interests  of  the  community,  and  was  ready  to  do  more.  Between  forty  and  fifty 
different  trade  organizations  being  represented,  including  some  musical  societies 
and  other  forms  of  industry  not  usually  classed  as  labor.  At  the  close  of  Mr. 
Hill's  address,  which  was  vociferously  applauded,  a  representative  of  Typographi- 
cal Union  No.  6,  read  a  list  of  beneficial  laws  affecting  labor  which  Mr.  Hill,  as 
Lieutenant-Governor,  and  Governor,  had  secured  for  the  State  of  New  York. 

But  enthusiasm  does  not  always  elect.  And,  in  truth,  it  may  be  said,  that  no 
political  organization  in  the  United  States  ever  had  as  formidable  a  combination 
against  it  as  Tammany  had  at  this  time.  Very  shortly  after  the  adjournment  of 
the  State  Convention  the  experienced  leaders  had  serious  consultations  how  best 
to  meet  the  threatening  forces  arrayed  against  them,  their  main  efforts  being 
directed  to  securing  the  right  candidate  for  the  office  of  Mayor  of  the  City  of  Xew 
York.  Several  of  the  prominent  officers  of  the  Wigwam  favored  the  nomination 
of  Frederic  R.  Coudert,  which  would  undoubtedly  have  drawn  some  of  the  pro- 
fessed reformers  from  their  new  allegiance  to  strange  gods,  thus  exhibiting  great 
magnanimity  on  the  part  of  Tammany;  for  Mr.  Coudert  had  latch'  been  working 
against  the  organization,  but  was  still  recognized  as  a  Democrat  untainted  with 
Republicanism.  Unfortunately,  another  spirit  had  been  at  work  among  the  lead- 
ers of  the  Assembly  Districts,  which  rendered  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Coudert 
impolitic,  if  not  impossible.  Former  Mayor  Hugh  Grant  favored  the  candidacy 
of  Nathan  Strauss,  and  he  was  finally  selected,  and  accepted  the  nomination, 
which,  however,  he  later  resigned,  and  the  name  of  Hugh  Granl  was  substituted. 
What  had  given  the  combined  opponents  of  Tammany  the  absolute  assurance 
that  they  could  secure  its  defeat  was  the  fact  that  in  the  State  election  of  181)3  the 
Democratic  candidate  for  the  Court  of  Appeals  had  only  won  in  the  city  by  a 
majority  of  31,677,  and  this  was  taken  as  a  safe  estimate  of  Tammany's  strength. 
From  this  style  of  arguing  the  antagonistic  element  somewhat  naturally,  though 
erroneously,  came  to  the  conclusion,  that  if  all  the  enemies  of  Tammany  could 
be  united,  in  addition  to  their  permanent  opponents,  the  Republicans,  it  would  be 
easy  work  to  overcome  a  matter  of  30,000  votes. 

I  Ik  strongest  enemies  to  be  met  in  the  independent  camps  were  undoubtedly 
the  State  Democracy,  and  the  organization  of  the  "  Seventy,"  which  was  formally 
launched  on  the  political  tide  early  in  September,  and  with  which  the  lesser  anti- 
Tammany  associations  and  clubs  were  more  or  less  affiliated ;  but  the  idea  of  this 
general  combination  must,  in  strict  justice,  be  attributed  to  Park-hurst,  whose  con- 
tinuous preaching  and  personal  influence  had  originally  aroused,  by  his  persistent 
assertions  of  Tammany's  wickedness,  and  his  own  purity,  the  animosity  of 
thousands  of  ill-informed  but  probably  honest  people;  for  it  is  a  well  understood 
element  in  uncultured  human  nature  to  take  persistent  assertion  for  fact  and  accu- 


sation  (or  proof.    ( >ne  of  the  preacher's  favorite  topics  was  that  of  election  frauds, 
which  were  urged  against  the  police  force,  including  indiscriminately,  Republicans 

and  Democrats,  hut  which  the  orators  of  the  former  party  habitually  referred  to  as 
"Tammany  frauds,"  though,  as  ex-Mayor  Hewitt  pointed  out,  the  same  stereo 
typed  charges  were  brought  in  [875,  when  Tammany  held  no  office  in  the  city 

government;  and  the  same  occurred  under  his  own  mayoralty.  The  inference 
plainly  to  be  drawn  from  his  published  letter  is  that,  m  his  opinion,  wherever  there 
were  human  beings  and  strong  temptations,  a  certain  percentage  would  fail  in 
their  duty  under  the  very  best  conditions.  The  whole  number  indicted,  out  of 
some  four  thousand,  were  only  seventy-two,  of  which  twenty  nine  were  dismissed 
as  unsustained,  a  few  pleaded  guilty;  other  doubtful  cases  were  suspended,  or 
referred  to  the  next  session  of  Oyer  and  Terminer,  but  were  not  heard  of  again. 
All  the  convictions  were  procured  by  a  Democratic  District  Attorney,  irrespec 
tive  of  politics,  with  no  question  of  what  party  they  belonged  to.  But  out  of  these 
trials  the  reformers,  in  their  haste  to  make  political  capital,  did  not 
scruple  to  throw  such  dishonor  upon  their  own  city  that  foreign  newspapers  and 
other  distant  critics  felt  justified  in  speaking  of  the  metropolis  of  our  country  as 
if  it  were  a  place  unfit  for  habitation — a  species  of  treason  which  no  Democrat 
was  ever  guilty  of. 

One  of  the  worst  of  these  detainers  was  the  Rev.  George  H.  Hepworth,  who, 
in  his  book  on  Armenia,  refers  to  Tammany  in  such  a  malicious  and  untruthful 
spirit  that  every  intelligent  reader  naturally  asks  himself:  Is  a  man  thus  capable 
of  slandering  his  own  fellow  citizens  a  reliable  witness  on  any  subject,  especially 
the  political  conditions  of  a  foreign  country? 

After  the  defeat  of  the  Democratic  ticket,  in  1894,  inexperienced  people 
began  to  talk  as  if  the  end  of  Tammany  had  come,  but  the  old-timers  of  the  Wig- 
wam were  not  in  the  least  dismayed.  They  had  experienced  reverses  before,  and 
had  outlived  them,  rising  from  them  with  renewed  strength,  like  the  ancient  hero 
of  Grecian  mythology,  Anteus,  who,  in  his  struggle  with  a  formidable  enemy,  was 
reinvigorated  every  time  he  touched  mother  earth.  The  blow  this  time  was  not 
mortal.  In  the  first  place,  the  Tammany  people  knew  that  the  adverse  result  had 
been  brought  about  not  because  they  were  sinners  above  all  men,  but  simply  from 
the  combination  of  unnatural  allies,  who,  in  the  nature  of  things,  could  not  long 
remain  in  unison,  being  held  together  not  by  any  platform  of  principles,  but 
largely  by  an  ardent  desire  to  achieve  the  handling  of  the  city  patronage,  and  not 
by  any  recognized  historic  party  who  had  a  future  to  look  to.  If  these  temporary 
allies  had  been  the  pure  and  disinterested  men  they  claimed  to  be,  they  would  not 
have  conducted  their  campaign  on  a  basis  of  wild  calumny  and  falsification,  as 
they  did;  and,  in  view  of  this,  Tammany  was  satisfied  that,  with  a  little  time  for 
reflection,  the  mass  of  honest  voters,  who  had  been  misled  by  misstatements  and 
the  hypocritical  pretence  of  superior  purity  of  motive,  would  soon  see  these  pre- 
tenders unmasked  by  their  own  actions,  and  the  betrayed  people  would  recover 
their  second  sober  thought  and  come  back  to  the  party  of  less  pretence,  but  more 
habitual  honesty  of  purpose.  Besides,  the  Tammany  vote  had  not  been  small; 
its  candidate  for  Mayor,  Hugh  Grant,  received  109,000  votes,  which  was  only 
eight  thousand  less  than  the  vote  which  had  elected  him  in  1888:  so  the  veterans 
felt;  in  their  hearts,  that  it  would  not  be  long  before  these  deserters  would  be 
speeding  back  to  their  old  home,  under  the  permanent  shelter  of  the  Wigwam. 


158 


CHAPTER  LII. 

SOME  REVERSES  -PARKHURST-MATNARD. 

ffc^TT ZS5il      LTHOUGH  New  York  State  would  have  failed  of  its  electoral 
/lVra2K\?]Vll  vote  f°r  Grover  Cleveland  without  the  loyal  aid  rendered  by 

Tammany,  that  organization  stood  on  its  dignity,  and  made  no 
immediate  effort  to  secure  recognition  at  the  hands  of  the 
President,  as  he  had  not  been  their  preferred  candidate,  while 
naturally  not  averse  to  accepting  any  good  thing  which  the 
Administration  felt  inclined  to  put  in  their  way;  and,  while  the  men  from  "  up  the 
State,"  some  of  .whom  had  even  signed  a  protest  against  Cleveland's  nomination, 
did  not  hesitate  to  make  personal  application  at  the  White  House  for  a  share  of 
the  spoils,  the  officers  of  the  Tammany  Society  checked  the  inclination  to  rush 
to  Washington,  but,  instead,  agreed  among  themselves  what  it  was  rightly 
entitled  to,  selected  the  names  of  the  men  for  the  offices  to  which  they  were  best 
fitted,  and,  after  waiting  a  reasonable  time,  quietly  sent  them  to  the  Executive 
Mansion.  Such  was  the  seemly  method  employed  by  Tammany;  while  from  the 
country  parts  of  this  State,  and  from  every  other  State  in  t'e  Union,  the  White 
House  was  besieged  with  office-beggars  of  every  class  and  description. 

The  most  important  event  of  1893  and  which  had  a  far  reaching  effect  upon 
the  Tammany  organization  was,  of  course,  the  State  election.  Already  a  num- 
ber of  small  factions,  calling  themselves  anti-Tammany,  and  with  no  other  excuse 
for  existence,  were  cropping  up,  destined,  in  the  end,  to  extinction,  but  trouble- 
some for  the  time  they  continued,  simply  seeking  their  individual  interests, 
regardless  of  the  greater  interests  of  the  party.  Among  these  events  affecting  the 
interests  of  Tammany  which  burst  into  sudden  prominence  this  year  was  that 
outbreak  of  unrestrained  fanaticism  which  has  been  called  "  the  Parkhurst 
assault,"  but  though  the  reverend  gentleman's  name  has  been  specially  identified 
with  the  attack,  ostensibly  directed  to  the  New  York  police  force,  yet,  in  intent 
and  purpose,  meaning  injury  to  Tammany,  he  was  not  the  originator  of  the  move- 
ment which  eventuated  in  the  appointment  of  the  notorious  "  Lexow  Committee 
of  Investigation." 

The  original  instigator  was  a  business  man,  a  cotton  broker,  named  Henry 
Morehouse  Taber,  who  happened  to  be  foreman  of  the  Grand  Jury  of  March, 
1892,  and  who,  in  that  capacity,  made  a  wholesale  charge  of  corruption  against 
the  police  force  and  the  police  courts,  acting,  in  this  matter,  in  conjunction  with 
Dr.  Parkhurst.  Adding  his  own  opinion  to  the  official  presentment,  he  declared 
his  belief  that  the  police  were  paid  to  protect  law-breakers,  and  that  the  corruption 
fund  existing  for  this  precise  purpose  amounted  to  $7,000,000  or  $8,000,000!  That 
a  commission  of  inquiry  into  this  man's  sanity  was  not  immediately  instituted 
remains  one  of  the  mysteries  of  that  period.  This  veracious  individual  indulged 
in  other  eccentricities  of  conduct,  all  of  which  were  not  known  to  the  public  until 
after  his  death,  when  his  peculiar  will  disclosed  some  of  them.  During  all  of  his 
adult  life  Mr.  Taber  had  posed  as  a  devout  Christian,  being  on  intimate  terms  with 


[59 

his  Presbyterian  pastor,  acting  also  as  a  trustee  oi  the  church,  and  'I"  el)  con 
nected  with  other  (  hristian  societies;  yel  he  lefl  a  will  p  ai  total 

disbelief  in  any  and  all  religions,  deeming  them  all  mere  superstitions  Of  course, 
Mr.  Taber,  as  all  others,  have  the  right  to  believe  or  disbelieve  w  hal  they  cho 
but  what  amount  of  mental  honesty  in  anj  matter  of  moral  ethics  can  exisl  in  a 
mind  thus  inconsistent  with  itself?  \  daily  outward  appearance,  and  habitual 
profession  of  faith  in  Christianity,  while,  in  reality,  at  heart  a  confirmed  agno 
While  Mr.  Taber  lived  he  and  Parkhurst  worked  together  the  one  a  self-pro 
nounced  hypocrite,  and  the  other  an  impracticable  theorist.  Their  work  ending, 
as  might  have  been  expected,  in  a  profound  fiasco,  so  far  as  permanent  results 
were  concerned,  to  which  farther  reference  will  be  made. 

The  momentous  Democratic  State  Convention  which  met  this  year  at  Sara- 
toga, on  October  5th,  met  with  no  pronounced  opposition  to  its  nominees  until 
the  name  of  Judge  Isaac  11.  Maynard  was  presented  as  the  candidate  of  the  con- 
vention for  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Appeals,  which  (.hew  out  some  hostile  remarks. 
However,  the  whole  ticket  presented  was  accepted  by  the  convention,  and  ratified 
at  a  meeting  in  the  \\  igwam,  in  New  York,  on  the  evening  of  the  27th.  At  this 
meeting  Governor  Mower  presided;  many  enthusiastic  speeches  were  made,  and 
Colonel  Fellows  took  occasion  to  specially  eulogize  Judge  Maynard;  yet,  at  this 
very  time,  there  was,  in  the  minds  of  some  of  the  leaders,  more  than  a  faint  sus- 
picion that  the  Judge  would  prove  a  drag-anchor  to  the  whole  of  the  State  ticket, 
which,  indeed,  it  did,  as  the  following  figures  plainly  show: 

Though  the  Democratic  ticket  had  a  majority  of  35,066  in  the  city,  there  was 
this  difference:  The  candidate  for  Secretary  of  State,  Cord  Meyers,  received  a 
vote  of  65,000  throughout  the  State,  while  Maynard  was  simply  slaughtered  in  the 
country  towns,  and,  even  in  the  city,  fell  some  30,000  below  the  general  ticket; 
and  thus,  although  the  victory  remained  in  the  city  with  Tammany,  there  was  a 
reduction  in  the  majorities  which  gave  cause  for  thought.  The  falling  off  was 
universally  attributed  to  Judge  Maynard's  name  on  the  ticket  ;  yet  he  had  always 
borne  an  irreproachable  character,  and  in  the  opinion  of  his  friends,  in  the  matter 
charged  against  him,  on  this  occasion,  he  had  only  acted  on  the  principle  of 
accomplishing  an  act  of  practical  justice  by  the  use  of  all  the  means  which  a 
fortunate  opportunity  placed  in  his  way. 

The  affair  which  caused  his  defeat  has  passed  into  history  under  the  name 
of  "  the  Mylod  returns,"  these  being  the  election  returns  from  Dutchess  County 
in  180,0.  In  counting  the  ballots  on  this  occasion  it  was  found  that  a  certain 
number  of  votes  cast  for  the  Republican  candidate  bore  certain  private  marks, 
-which  could  be  easily  identified;  these,  in  the  first  count,  were  legally  and 
properly  rejected  and  thrown  out.  The  political  friends  of  the  losing  candidate 
commenced  a  contest  for  their  restoration,  and  applied  to  the  courts  to  effect  such 
restoration;  then  followed  a  long  series  of  law  proceedings,  "stays,"  "man- 
damuses," "  injunctions,"  and  all  the  devices  known  to  the  law  to  make  the  worse 
appear  the  better  cause,  on  the  one  side  to  secure  the  recognition  of  the  legality 
of  the  original  returns,  on  the  other  to  enforce  the  counting  of  the  marked  ballots. 
During  this  contest,  by  the  delay  of  a  mail  delivery.  Judge  Maynard.  who  was 
acting  at  the  time  as  counsel  to  the  original  board,  had  the  opportunity,  and 
availed  himself  of  it,  to  present  the  original  and  correct  returns  to  the  State  Board 
of  Canvassers,  and  with  this,  undisputed  before  them,  the  Democratic  candidate 


i6o 

(Osborne)  was  declared  duly  elected  to  the  Senate,  as  he  had  been  in  fact.  The 
accusation  against  Maynard  was  that  he  had  acted  in  defiance  of  certain  legal. 
injunctions,  which  he,  as  good  a  lawyer  as  any  of  his  accusers,  claimed  were  illeg- 
ally issued;  but  the  rage  and  disappointment  of  the  Republicans,  who  had  thus 
lost  a  Senator,  was  unappeasable,  and  knew  no  bounds.  Even  some  members  of 
the  Bar  Association  met  together  and  formally  condemned  the  position  taken  by 
Judge  Maynard.  So  much  excitement  was  there  that  eventually  the  Legislature 
ordered  an  inquiry,  and  a  joint  committee  of  both  houses  was  appointed,  but  it 
soon  dropped  the  whole  business;  sending  in,  however,  a  majority  and  minority 
report.  The  Legislature  adopted  the  majority  report,  which  practically  exoner- 
ated Maynard;  and  Governor  Flower  soon  after  reappointed  him  to  the  honorable 
office  of  Chief  Justice  of  the  Court  of  Appeals;  but  this  nomination  was  not  sus- 
tained in  the  ensuing  election,  to  which  .Maynard  appealed  for  vindication. 

The  lesson  of  all  which  is  that  the  people  demand  that  their  judges  shall  not 
only  be  of  the  purest  integrity,  but  that  it  shall  be  of  such  a  grade  and  quality  as 
to  be  beyond  question,  even  by  their  enemies.  The  writer  has  seen  many  political 
campaigns,  but  never  one  in  which  such  vicious  virulence  was  indulged  in  against 
a  candidate  of  long  established  good  reputation  as  that  which  pursued  Judge 
Maynard.  At  the  same  time,  it  must  be  admitted  that  his  defense,  by  his  party, 
was  very  weakly  conducted.     The  Judge  died  in  Albany  in  June,  1896. 

Though  the  Democrats  had  carried  the  city,  the  State  had  gone  Republican. 
Some  of  the  causes  of  this  defeat  were  sufficiently  obvious,  but  leading  them  all 
was  the  "  bad  times,"  which  conjunction  of  ideas  and  facts  is  explained  by  the 
common  experience,  that  there  is  to  be  found  in  all  communities  a  large  number 
of  persons  who  habitually  hold  the  government  responsible  for  business  condi- 
tions, and  the  times  were  hard.  The  President  was  a  Democrat.  Hence,  in  the 
logic  of  many  voters,  it  must  improve  matters  to  change  party  control.  Added 
to  this  sort  of  reasoning,  was  some  resentment  against  the  President  for  certain 
appointments  which  were  distasteful  to  the  many  of  both  parties,  particularly  that 
of  a  wealthy  gentleman  of  Rhode  Island,  who  was  most  widely  known  as  a  large 
subscriber  to  the  election  fund;  then,  also,  Mr.  Cleveland's  attitude  towards 
Hawaiian  affairs,  and  his  semi-support  of  the  dethroned  queen  was  displeasing  to 
others.  Still  more  potent  was  the  disappointment  over  the  failure  to  secure 
satisfactory  changes  in  the  tariff.  The  changes  made  not  being  radical,  it  was 
charged  that  such  as  were  made  were  simply  disturbing  business,  though,  as 
the  Democrats  were  not  at  this  time  a  majority  in  Congress,  thev  could  not 
properly  lie  held  responsible  for  this.  Other  minor  causes  added  to  the  feeling  of 
desire  for  a  change.  The  hard  times  being  at  the  base  of  all.  The  Democratic 
victory  of  1892  had  turned  largely  on  the  question  of  tariff  reform,  and  the  reform 
had  not  materialized.  But  Tammany  was  not  seriously  discouraged.  Tt  never  is. 
Since  its  leading  object  is  to  maintain  the  great  cause  of  human  rights,  it  is  ever 
assured  that  it  must  and  will  prevail  in  the  end,  whatever  delays  or  obstructions 
temporarily  intervene.  As  a  means  to  a  desired  end,  a  special  effort  was  made 
this  year  to  increase  the  number  of  local  Tammany  clubs,  and  towards  the  end  of 
the  year,  during  the  latter  part  of  December,  an  innovation  was  planned  for 
introducing  into  the  organization  of  the  Assembly  districts  a  material  change. 

The  criticism  had  often  been  made  that  the  q-ovcrnment  of  Tammany  Hall 
was  wholly  composed  of  place-holders,  professional  politicians.     To  meet  this 


11,1 

objection,  though  it  was  not  Founded  on  fact,  Mr.  Croker  conceived  the  id< 
connecting  with  the  local  leadership  a  body  of  nun  specially  selected  for  their 
business  qualities,  and  Iheir  social  status  as  business  men,  believing  that  such 
might  be  valuable  aids  to  the  usual  leaders  and  would  also  add  prestige  to  the 
part)  iu  the  eyes  of  the  general  public.  This  plan  was  announced  as  experimental 
only,  and  not  necessarily  a  permanency.  Few  of  the  existing  leaders  were 
enthusiastic  on  the  suggested  change,  bul  no  serious  opposition  was  made,  and 
the  arrangement  went  into  effect,  working  well  in  some  districts,  bul  in  others 
producing  complications;  most  of  the  business  men  themselves  eventually  with- 
drawing from  the  arrangement. 

At  the  late  election  delegates  had  been  chosen  to  the  Constitutional  Conven- 
tion. Among  the  Tammany  men  thus  honored  we  find  such  names  as  William  C. 
Whitney,  John  Bigelow,  De  I.ancev  X'icoll,  Xelson  J.  Waterbury,  Gideon  J. 
Tucker,  Charles  II.  Truax,  Andrew  II.  Green  and  others  of  equal  standing  and 
intelligence. 

Very  shortly  after  the  result  of  the  election  was  officially  made  known,  a 
S)  stematic  and  combined  effort  was  made,  by  the  opposition,  to  unite  all  parties; 
great  and  small,  antagonistic  to  Tammany.  What  might  be  called  the  formal 
inauguration  of  this  movement  took  place  at  a  meeting  on  November  21st,  at  the 
Union  Square  Hotel.  At  this  time  and  place  the  various  malcontents  assembled, 
and  one  obscure  person  offered  the  following  resolution: 

Resolved.    That  a  committee  of  ten  be  appointed  by  the  Chairman  to  arange  for  a  pub- 
lic mass  meeting  for  a  union  of  all  anti-Tammany  forces  in  New  York. 

No  expression  of  principles,  political  or  otherwise,  was  offered,  or  apparently 
expected,  thus  illustrating  the  general  and  habitual  attitude  of  opponents  to  the 
Tammany  Hall  organization,  who,  as  a  rule,  have  no  other  end  in  view  than  to 
secure  the  patronage  naturally  inherent  in  the  administration  of  a  large  munici- 
pality. About  the  same  time  a  remnant  of  the  old  County  Democracy  met,  with 
similar  purposes,  in  the  Twelfth  District,  and  one  in  the  Seventh,  calling  them- 
selves the  Citizen's  Democracy.  Other  associations  of  great  prestige  were  soon 
to  follow.  The  association  of  the  State  Democracy  was  largely  composed,  at 
first,  of  the  old  anti-Snappers,  of  which  faction  Charles  S.  Fairchild  was  the 
leader.  Just  at  the  same  time  Senator  Hill  was  bravely  fighting  the  Federal  Elec- 
tion bill,  and  Tammany  was  busy  striving  to  alleviate  the  distress  of  the  unem- 
ployed poor  in  the  City  of  New  York,  by  raising  large  sums  of  money  in  all  the 
Assembly  districts,  furnishing  fuel  and  food  to  thousands  thrown  out  of  work  by 
the  general  stagnation  of  business. 


162 


CHAPTER   LIII. 

RATIFICATION    OF    NATIONAL   CONVENTION. 

HE  celebration  of  Tammany's  great  day,  the  Fourth  of  July, 
was  not  so  brilliant  as  usual,  on  account  of  the  absence  of  many 
of  the  leading  men  who  had  gone  to  the  National  Democratic 
Convention,  which  was  to  meet  in  Chicago  on  the  6th;  though 
the  gathering  was  interesting  and  enthusiastic,  for,  fortunately, 
the  assembled  patriots  had  not  the  prevision  to  see  the  perplex- 
ing effect  which  the  nomination  for  President,  made  by  the  convention,  would 
produce.  Of  course,  there  were  individual  sympathizers  with  the  silver  Bryan- 
ites,  but  to  Tammany,  as  an  organization,  the  ticket  nominated  at  Chicago  fell 
like  a  wet  blanket,  and  for  a  time  produced  almost  a  sense  of  stupefaction  among 
the  most  intelligent  members  of  the  Democratic  party  in  New  York  city.  The 
question  of  officially  accepting  the  candidate  and  the  platform  was  a  very  serions 
one;  but  it  had  to  be  met.  Quite  a  number,  like  ex-Governor  blower,  Senator 
Hill,  Comptroller  Ashbel  P.  Fitch,  the  veteran  Tammanyite,  General  Sickles, 
ex-Mayor  Hugh  Grant,  and  scores  of  others,  openly  and  promptly  repudiated 
both  the  candidate,  Mr.  Bryan,  and  certain  principles  enunciated  in  the  platform, 
on  the  ground  that  neither  represented  true  Democracy;  yet — there  was  the 
one  Democratic  principle  which  could  not  be  absolutely  ignored,  that  the  ma- 
jority should  rule,  and  the  Chicago  convention  represented,  through  its  dele- 
gates, the  will  of  the  party.  However,  distasteful,  Tammany  decided  that  to 
retain  the  prestige  of  regularity,  it  would  be  necessary  to  formally  accept  the 
situation  and  make  the  best  of  it. 

Not  only  in  the  city,  but  throughout  the  State,  the  condition  was  a  compli- 
cated and  very  trying  one,  to  those  of  the  party  who  regarded  the  action  of  the 
convention  as  undemocratic.  To  the  more  independent  members  of  Tammany  a 
bolt  and  practical  protest  seemed  the  right  thing  to  do;  hence  the  organization 
of  the  Sound  Money  party,  who  put  an  independent  ticket  in  the  field,  with 
Palmer  and  Buckner,  for  President  and  Vice-President,  as  their  nominees;  not 
hoping,  indeed,  to  win,  but  as  a  rebuke  to  the  Democracy  of  the  West,  which  had 
controlled  the  convention. 

It  was  decided  to  hold  the  public  ratification  meeting  at  Madison  Square 
Garden  on  the  12th  of  August;  and,  although  the  heat  was  intense,  an  immense 
crowd  assembled  to  greet  Mr.  Bryan.  There  had  been  a  marked  degree  of  curi- 
osity to  see  this  new  style  of  Democrat  from  the  West,  and  it  was  asserted  by  old 
New  Yorkers  that  a  large  portion  of  the  audience  were  non-habitues  at  Democra- 
tic meetings,  but  was  largely  made  up  of  the  floating  population,  who  had  not 
been  able  to  leave  the  torrid  streets  and  escape  to  the  country.  However,  this 
may  have  been,  Mr.  Bryan  received  such  a  cordial  reception  as  must  have  given 
him  the  impression  that  his  friends  were  largely  in  the  ascendant,  his  speech  being 
frequently  punctuated  with  hearty  and  apparently  sincere  applause;  though  it  was 
long  enough  and  serious  enough  to  have  wearied  any  common  audience  on  a  less 
torrid  night.  As  his  arguments  have  been  so  widely  published,  there  is  no  object 
in  tcpeating  them  here. 


WILLIAM   .ILXMXCS    I'.UYA.N. 


i«3 

About  a  month  later  the  Democratic  State  Convention  met  al  Buffalo.  Its 
main  business  was  to  endorse  the  national  ticket,  which  il  did,  and  to  nominate 
State  officers,  including  a  Governor.  Senator  Hill's  favorite  candidate  for  this, 
office  was  fohn  Boyd  Thatcher,. and  for  Lieutenant  Governor,  [saac  S.  Catlin,  of 
Kings  County,  a  man  who  had  now.  bul  never  previously,  bolted  a  National 
ticket.  'The  silver  nun  were  much  chagrined  to  perceive  the  influence  exerted 
by  the  General's  attitude,  while  Mr.  John  C.  Sheehan  branded  all  sound  money 
men  as  traitors.  On  this  occasion  the  lion.  I),  (ady  Merrick,  of  the  Appellate 
Court,  took  a  prominent  part.  'The  nominee  finally  selected  was  W'ilber  F.  P01 
ter,  of  Watertown.  The  opposing  candidate  was  Mr.  Black,  who,  in  the  ensuing 
November,  was  elected. 

The  campaign  was  not  very  exhilirating  to  Tammany,  on  account  of  the 
falling  off  of  funds;  so  many  of  the  business  people  who  had  been  accustomed  to 
subscribe  liberally  became  timid  over  the  situation,  fearing  financial  disturbance, 
in  case  of  the  success  of  Mr.  Bryan.  This  feeling  was  greatly  strengthened  by 
the  daily  reports  of  prominent  Democrats  having  joined  the  gold  monometallists, 
the  opposition  papers  taking  particular  care  to  publish  such  lists  as  campaign 
weapons.  After  the  election  was  over,  it  was  estimated  thai  40,000  Democrats 
voted  against  Bryan. 

The  representation  of  Tammany  men  at  the  convention  had  been  small  (only 
208)  as  compared  with  previous  occasions,  as  for  instance,  in  1892,  1,200  attended. 
Mr.  Croker  was  not  present  when  Mr.  Bryan  was  nominated:  Mr.  Sulzer  spoke 
for  the  Tammany  delegation  supporting  the  motion,  and,  as  the  unit  rule  pre- 
vailed, the  rest  of  the  delegation  was  forced  to  take  the  same  attitude,  though, 
personally,  so  many  were  dissatisfied  with  the  result.  At  a  conference  with  the 
district  leaders,  held  on  July  2ist,  Mr.  Sheehan,  as  acting  leader  of  Tammany 
Hall,  advised  that  it  was  best  to  ratify  the  nomination  of  William  J.  Bryan.  His 
views  being  accepted,  there  was  no  object  in  delaying  the  public  ratification,  and  it 
was  decided  to  issue  a  call  for  meetings  of  the  Executive  and  ( Jeneral  Commit- 
tees; but  Justice  Frederick  Smyth,  who  was  at  this  time  Grand  Sachem, 
declared  that  he  could  not  vote  for  Bryan — yet  neither  would  he  vote  for  the 
Republican  candidate,  Mr.  McKinlev. 

Some  members  of  Tammany  took  the  stand  that  the  organization  should  not 
put  up  any  National  electoral  ticket,  but  limit  themselves  to  a  State  ticket.  This 
position  was  taken  by  ex-Secretary  of  the  Navy,  William  C.  Whitney,  but  the  ques- 
tion of  official  recognition,  as  the  Democratic  party  of  New  York,  overbalanced 
this  idea.  Finally,  at  a  meeting  of  the  Executive  Committee,  it  was  voted,  by  70 
to  4.  to  indorse  Bryan ;  but  it  was  well  known  that  the  feeling  was  not  nearly  so 
unanimous  as  the  vote.  "  '  Stand  by  the  majority,'  is  the  rule,"  said  Mr.  Purroy, 
though  he  believed  in  the  monetary  standard  recognized  by  all  the  great  commer- 
cial nations  of  the  earth,  and  he  added,  "though  the  prevalent  Democracy  has 
wandered  into  error,  it  is  far  better  constituted  to  act  as  the  great  agent  for  the 
preservation  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  people,  far  better  entitled  to  my  support 
than  can  ever  be  its  irreconcilable  enemy,  the  Republican  party,  that  organization 
of  monopolies  and  trusts."  This  argument  was  good  doctrine,  but  the  speaker's 
subsequent  action  effectually  nullified  his  speech. 


i64 


CHAPTER  LIV. 
ADVENT  OF  THE  "  REFORMERS." 

S  was  anticipated  by  those  who  knew  the  recuperative  power  of 
Tammany,  that  organization  rapidly  recovered  from  the  de- 
pressing effect  of  the  defeat  of  the  party  in  the  last  State 
election.  One  of  the  amusing  displays  of  "  reform  "  claims 
to  strength  and  influence  was  the  ridiculously  high  figures 
which  each  and  all  of  these  factions  put  forth  by  grossly  mis- 
stating the  number  of  votes  they  controlled,  and  the  consequent  recognition  due 
to  them  from  the  victorious  party.  As,  for  instance,  the  State  Democracy  had 
claimed  that  they  were  absolutely  sure  of  50,000  votes;  the  Independent  County 
oiganization  put  their  help  at  40,000;  the  German- American  Reform  had  set  theirs 
at  75,000;  the  Anti-Tammany  Democracy  at  another  40,000.  These  alone  cov- 
ered more  than  the  total  vote  of  the  opposition ;  yet  where  was  the  vote  of  the 
redoubtable  "  Seventy  ? "  Where  that  of  the  Good  Government  Clubs?  and 
all  the  other  brood  akin  to  them,  including  the  much  larger  body  of  the  regular 
Republican  machine  adherents?  Some  of  the  foes  of  Tammany,  who  had  boasted 
loudly  of  their  power  and  numbers  before  election,  made  such  a  poor  showing  on 
election  day  as  to  be  simply  ridiculous. 

But  to  the  new  Mayor  these  independents  of  all  sorts  and  sizes  became  a 
serious  annoyance,  each  and  all  clamoring  for  their  share  of  the  spoils,  while 
Tammany  proceeded  peacefully  and  quietly  in  its  regular  course,  merely  chang- 
ing its  committees,  so  far  as  was  required  by  the  re-districting,  in  accordance  with 
the  new  Constitution  adopted  at  the  late  election.  Biding  their  time,  in  the  full 
faith  of  a  certain  and  not  distant  return  to  power. 

At  the  first  meeting  of  the  General  Committee  it  was  decided  that  an  address 
to  the  people  should  be  prepared  thanking  the  109,000  men  who  had  voted  the 
Tammany  ticket — this,  perhaps,  just  to  let  their  late  opponents  know  that  they 
were  neither  dead  nor  sleeping.  In  regard  to  the  reorganization,  it  was  decided, 
at  a  meeting  in  February,  that  to  make  it  thoroughly  efficient,  it  must  be  effected 
by  the  Sachems  of  the  Tammany  Society,  as  distinguished  from  the  political 
organization,  as  these  really  commission  the  active  leaders  of  that  body,  and.  in 
aid  of  this  measure,  it  was  decided  to  elect  new  members  to  the  Board  of  Sachems. 
A  committee  of  five  was  authorized  to  nominate.  The  men  nominated  by  this 
committee  proved  conclusively  that  Mr.  Croker's  influence  was  still  potent,  as 
the  friends  of  the  old  chieftain  were  largely  in  the  majority  of  those  selected.  In 
fact,  there  was  not  one  who  could  be  considered  inimical  to  his  leadership. 
Frederick  Smyth  was  chosen  Grand  Sachem;  Charles  Welde,  Father  of  the 
Council,  and  Maurice  Holahan  as  Scribe. 

As  the  original  Indian  chief,  Tammany,  was  called,  in  his  old  age,  "  the  Chief 
of  many  days,"  so  the  Society  which  still  honors  his  memory,  may  truthfully  be 
called  the  Society  of  many  days;  for  it  has  outlived  all  other  political  organizations 
ever  formed  in  the  United  States;  and,  from  its  very  nature  and  constitution,  will 


'65 

continue  to  live  long  after  its  presenl  opponents,  of  \\  hatever  name,  are  moribund, 
dead,  or  transmigrated  into  new  forms  of  existence,  as  lias  been  the  fate  of  all  the 
preceding  forms  of  opposition.  Where  now  are  the  old  Federalists;  the  Whigs; 
the  anti-Masons;  the  Know  Nothings;  the  Free  Soilers;  the  Citizens'  Union  and 
all  their  kin?  The  Republican  party,  at  the  present  moment,  wearing  out  the 
loyalty  of  their  best  friends  by  endeavoring  to  conceal,  rather  than  repudiate,  the 
wrongdoers  in  the  party?  This  feature  of  permanence  is  annually  emphasized  by 
Tammany's  unremitting  recognition  of  the  4th  of  Jul) . 

To  show  the  disinterestedness  of  the  professidnal  reformers,  it  is  instructive 
to  note  that  Recorder  Goff,  the  principal  "  Lexovv  "  lawyer,  had  scarcely  got 
seated  in  the  Recorder's  chair  than  he  had  the  audacity  and  the  greed  to 
demand  the  patronage  of  four  judges  all  for  himself,  and.  without  any  rea- 
sonable pretext,  asked  for  a  large  increase  of  salary.  After  the  experience 
furnished  by  the  latter-day  purifiers  of  politics,  not  a  few  Democrats  were  tempted 
to  apply  the  same  verdict  to  the  average  professional  "  reformer."  Mayor 
Strong,  the  so-called  non-partisan  Mayor,  appointed,  in  May,  the  following  mem- 
bers of  the  new  Bi-Partisan  Police  Board:  Theodore  Roosevelt,  Fred.  D.  Grant 
and  Andrew  D.  Parker.  Police  Commissioner  Andrews  nominated  Roosevelt  as 
President  of  the  Board,  an  office  which  he  subsequently  filled  in  such  an  arbitrary 
and  unreasoning  manner  that  he  did  much  to  hasten  the  return  of  Tammany  to 
power  in  the  city. 

The  most  striking  change  in  city  life,  after  the  advent  of  Mayor  Strong-  and 
Police  Commissioner  Roosevelt,  was  the  enormous  increase  of  crime  in  the  form 
of  burglary.  At  first  this  epidemic  was  simply  wondered  at.  or  feared  by  the 
timid,  but  the  reason  for  it  soon  became  apparent;  the  policemen,  instead  of 
patrolling  their  beats,  as  formerly,  were  largely  engaged  in  watching  saloons, 
especially  on  Sundays.  Not  only  that,  but  spying  upon  small  shopkeepers,  to  see 
if  they  sold  a  loaf  of  bread,  a  sheet  of  letter  paper,  five  cents'  worth  of  milk  or  of 
ice.  Thus  burglars  had  plenty  of  time  to  plan  and  carry  out  their  schemes  with- 
out danger  of  discovery  or  interruption  by  the  new  police.  Violent  crimes  of  all 
kinds  became  alarmingly  prevalent.  This  condition  of  things  was  so  fully  recog- 
nized that  it  even  affected  the  city's  credit.  A  three  per  cent,  loan  for  only 
$2,256,371.  absolutely  failed  and  was  withdrawn,  though,  only  a  few  years  prev- 
iously, a  bond  for  $9,000,000  was  readily  taken  up,  when  issued  by  a  Tammany 
civic  administration.  In  fact,  the  whole  reform  movement  was  rapidly  proving 
itself  a  dead  failure,  because  the  leaders  did  not  know  how  to  proceed  on  a  line 
with  the  general  sentiment  of  the  community',  with  which,  in  fact,  they  had  no 
sympathy. 

The  newly  ordained  Blanket  Ballot,  by  some  called  the  Raines  ballot,  requir- 
ing long  and  patient  study,  perplexing  even  to  the  most  intelligent,  was  sprung 
upon  the  long-suffering  voters  this  year.  The  object  of  its  framers  seemed  to  be 
to  repel  from  the  ballot-box  the  poorer  class  of  voters,  who  had  little  time  to  spare 
from  their  daily  avocations  in  which  to  study  out  its  complications;  but,  as  usual, 
its  framers  failed  to  reckon  on  the  resources  of  the  Tamilian v  leaders,  who  opened 
special  night  schools  of  instruction,  in  which  they  familiarized  the  men  of  little 
leisure  how  to  safely  deal  with  its  intricacies.  To  begin  with,  there  was,  this  year, 
on  one  sheet,  nine  party  emblems,  with  the  nominations  of  each  of  these  parties 
to  be  selected  from,  according  to  the  judgment   or   wishes   of   the   voter.      The 


i66 

straight  Republican  ticket  had  for  its  emblem  an  Eagle;  the  regular  Democratic 
was  a  Star;  the  Democratic  Reform  was  a  Ship;  the  Prohibition  a  Fountain;  the 
Socialist  Labor  party  an  upraised  Arm  with  Hammer;  the  People's  party  (what 
they  wanted  it  was  hard  to  find  out)  a  Trefoil;  Independent  Citizens,  a  Sunrise; 
Citizens'  Independent,  a  Horseshoe:  Ninth  Senatorial  Independent  Republi- 
can, a  figure  of  Justice.  Was  not  this  medley  enough  to  discourage  any  but  the 
most  determined  voter  from  attempting  to  venture  within  the  voting-booth, 
watched,  perhaps,  by  some  personal  enemy,  or,  at  least,  an  enemy  to  the  voter's 
party? 

During  the  summer,  while  Mr.  Croker  was  absent,  what  was  called  by  the 
profane  "  the  Steering  Committee  "  of  Tammany  Hall  consisted  of  Messrs.  James 
J.  Martin,  Lawrence  Delmour,  George  W.  Plunkitt  and  the  late  Augustus  W. 
Peters.  The  organization  had  been  so  constantly  annoyed  by  claims  for  official 
recognition  by  small  factional  parties  that  Tammany  was  now  seriously  consider- 
ing the  question  of  seeking  a  change  in  the  ballot  laws,  by  which  the  number 
lequired  for  recognition  should  be  raised  from  3,000  signatures  to  10,000.  This 
latter  number  would  certainly  have  put  the  State  Democracy,  the  Stecklers  and 
others,  hors  dn  combat. 

The  State  Convention  met  at  Syracuse,  on  September  23d.  Senator  Hill, 
who  was  in  the  lead  at  this  time,  was  favorably  inclined  to  the  admission  of  most 
of  the  small  factions,  feeling  that  no  offered  addition  of  strength  should  be 
rejected.  Perry  Belmont  was  made  temporary  chairman  and  Roswell  P.  Flower 
permanent  chairman.  The  majority  organization,  Tammany,  obtained  the  use  of 
the  party  emblem  for  their  local  ticket;  the  State  Democracy,  as  also  the 
Shephard  Democracy  of  Brooklyn,  was  allowed  but  a  one-third  representation. 
As  usual,  the  country  counties  exhibited  their  chronic  jealousy  of  Tammany,  and 
strove  to  curtail  its  influence.  Mr.  Belmont,  speaking  on  the  Excise  question, 
condemned  the  State  law,  which  allowed  to  country  towns  local  option,  but 
denied  to  the  great  City  of  New  York  one  of  the  essential  elements  of  Home 
Rule.  Tl  e  Puritanic  Sunday  laws  and  the  "  Raine's  restaurant  sandwich  "  came 
in  for  a  good  share  of  satirical  denunciation. 

The  offer  of  one-fifth  of  a  vote  to  the  State  Democracy,  while  four-fifths  was 
given  to  Tammany,  excited  strong  indignation  among  the  delegates  of  the  for- 
mer, who  finally  withdrew  from  the  convention.  Some  additional  contention 
arose  over  the  admission  of  the  followers  of  ex-Mayor  Grace,  when  Mr.  Thomas 
F.  Grady  remarked  that  the  combined  votes  of  all  the  opponents  of  Tammany 
was  less  than  one-fifth  of  the  total  Democratic  vote.  The  Grace  men  thereupon 
left — in  no  amiable  mood.  After  nominating  a  State  ticket,  the  chief  speeches 
made  were  directed  against  sumptuary  laws  being  forced  upon  the  city  by  non- 
resident legislators,  who  knew  nothing  and  cared  less  for  its  needs,  but  never 
forgetting  to  exact  a  high  rate  of  State  taxation.  Senator  Hill,  in  his  speech  on 
this  occasion,  coinciding  in  the  views  expressed  above,  added  some  remarks  in 
favor  of  bi-metallism. 

Of  city  control  from  Albany  the  sentiment  expressed  by  Mr.  Belmont  was 
the  prevailing  spirit  of  the  Tammany  delegates,  as  he  had  on  a  previous  occasion 
declared:  "  Under  the  existing  system  stability  of  city  government  is  impossible; 
our  cities  have  no  real  autonomy;  local  self-government  is  a  misnomer.  All  the 
evils  of  our  city  government  arise  from  the  following  causes:    First:    Excessive 


">7 

aUkuiy  legislation.    Second:  Failure  to  enacl  general  laws  granting  largei  power 
to  cities.    Third:  Absence  of  accurate  information  at    Ubanj  in  respect  to 
Home  rule  is  the  only  solution." 

The  platform  adopted  embraced,  in  substance,  the  following  principles  and 
policy: 

A  Strong  stand  for  Home  Rule  no  legislative  meddling  with  purelj  local 
affairs. 

Economy  in  public  expenses    a  stricl  audit  of  expenditure;  a  lovi  tax  rate. 

Honesty  in  public  office     no  corrupt  traffic  in  legislation. 

Equal  enforcement  of  all  the  laws;  an  orderl)  Sunday;  modification  or 
repeal  of  laws  unsupported  by  public  opinion;  local  option  on  Excise  matters; 
no  blue  laws. 

Equal  taxation:    no  partial  legislation;    individual  liberty. 

Honest  elections;    official  accounting  of  expenditures. 

Practical  and  honest  reform  in  Civil  Service;  intelligent  and  liberal  promo- 
tion of  agriculture;  improved  highways  throughout  the  State. 

Needed  legislation  for  laborers. 

Federal  taxation  for  revenue  only;  no  Government  partnership  with  pro- 
tected monopolies. 

Sound  money— gold  and  silver  legal  tender:  gradual  retirement  of  green- 
backs. 

Strict  construction  of  the  Federal  Constitution:   No  Force  bills. 

This  platform  was  unanimously  adopted.  Mr.  Sulzer  offered  a  resolution  of 
sympathy  with  the  Cuban  patriots,  which  was  received  with  cheers.  The  nomina- 
tions having  been  completed,  the  convention  adjourned  sine  die. 

As  a  result  of  earnest  Democratic  effort,  with  an  increasing-  dissatisfaction 
with  Republican  management,  the  former  party  made  a  clean  sweep  in  the  city  at 
the  ensuing  November  elections,  the  Tammany  nominees  being  elected  by  a 
majority  of  37,800,  carrying  in  every  one  of  its  candidates  for  city  ai  1  county 
offices,  with  some  State  and  legislative;  namely,  three  Justices  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  two  Judges  of  the  Court  of  General  Sessions,  the  three  Justices  of  the  City 
Court,  their  nominee  for  Congress,  and  twenty-six  out  of  the  thirty-five  Assem- 
blymen, a  grand  gain  over  the  results  of  the  struggle  the  previous  year.  Rut  the 
people  had  not  then  suffered  a  year  of  Republican  tyranny  and  misrule.  It  was 
at  this  election  that  the  people  voted  the  appropriation  of  $0,000,000  for  the 
enlargement 'and  improvement  of  the  Erie  Canal,  which,  later,  under  the  adminis- 
tration of  Governor  Black,  was  officially  charged  by  a  State  Investigating  Com- 
mittee with  fraud,  dishonesty  and  waste  in  the  expenditure.  So  clearly  were  the 
facts  established  as  greatly  to  injure  the  Republican  campaign  of  1898. 


1 68 


CHAPTER   LV. 


TESTIMONIAL  TO  RICHARD  CROKER. 


NE  of  the  most  interesting  social  events  concerning  the  Tam- 
many magnates,  in  recent  years,  took  place  at  the  Hotel  Savoy 
on  February  8th.  This  was  an  entertainment  given  in  honor 
of  Mr.  Croker.  There  were  one  hundred  and  fifty  guests 
present  at  the  dinner,  which  was  very  elaborate,  and  was  not 
concluded  until  10  P.  M.,  when  Mr.  John  C.  Sheehan,  after 
a  neat  speech  of  welcome,  called  upon  Senator  Grady  to  respond  to  the  first  toast, 
"  Our  Guest,  Richard  Croker."  Mr.  Grady's  reputation  for  timely  oratory  makes 
it  unnecessary  to  introduce  his  discriminating  eulogy  of  the  guest  of  the  evening 
here.  He  concluded  by  saying:  "  We  do  not  want  this  dinner  to  become  simply 
a  memory;  therefore,  we  have  provided  a  more  substantial  testimonial,  which  will, 
in  after  years,  testify  to  you  (turning  to  Mr.  Croker)  and  to  your  descendants  our 
hearty  affection."  Here  Mr.  Grady  presented  a  beautiful  and  costly  Loving  Cup, 
which  had  been  subscribed  for  by  friends  present. 

Mr.  Croker,  responding,  said:  "  This  magnificent  testimonial  of  your  friend- 
ship I  accept,  being  conscious  of  the  sincerity  of  the  sentiment  which  occasions 
your  assemblage  here  to-night.  I  always  attributed  the  success  of  the  organiza- 
tion with  which  we  have  been  so  long  identified  not  to  my  individual  endeavor, 
but  to  your  loyalty  and  truth,  and  to  the  unity  and  cohesion  which  marked  your 
efforts  to  promote  the  prosperity  and  glory  of  Tammany  Hall,  and  of  the  masses 
who  were  faithful  to  the  doctrines  of  true  Democracy.  Now,  let  me  persuade  and 
entreat  you  to  a  continuance  of  that  cohesion,  that  truth,  that  loyalty,  and  that 
unity  among  yourselves,  at  all  times  and  under  all  circumstances."  After  some 
farther  remarks,  Mr.  Croker  closed  his  brief  address  amid  loud  applause  and 
hearty  cheers.  Other  interesting  addresses  were  made,  the  banquet  not  closing 
until  a  late,  or,  more  correctly  speaking,  an  early  hour  of  the  next  day. 

The  Loving  Cup  presented  to  Mr.  Croker  is  of  silver,  of  a  capacity  of  two 
gallons.  It  was  designed  and  made  by  Tiffany.  Its  cost  was  $2,000.  Mr. 
Croker  sailed  for  England  shortly  after  this  pleasant  testimonial  to  the  esteem  in 
which  he  is  held  by  his  personal  friends  and  political  confreres.  One  of  Mr. 
Croker's  sententious  sayings  about  this  time  was,  ''  That  Reform  needs  Reforma- 
tion," and  another,  "  The  bossism  of  the  newspapers  is  more  dangerous  than  thr 
political — the  one  can  be  removed,  the  other  cannot." 


CHAPTER   LVI. 
CONSOLIDATION. 


HE  question  of  consolidation  was  beginning    to    attract    morc 
attention  as  the  season  advanced.       The  Tammany  people 

were  by  no  means  a  unit  on  this  subject.  Mr.  Sulzer,  for 
instance,  was  a  strong  advocate  for  it,  while  Mr.  John  C.  Shee- 
lian,  in  May,  publicly  praised  the  twenty-five  Assemblymen 
who  had  voted  against  that  measure.  'The  populous  City  of 
Brooklyn  had  sent  up  to  Albany  a  protest  against  it,  but  Governor  Morton  paid 
no  attention  to  it.  The  history  of  this  movement  was  rather  peculiar,  from  the 
fact  that  from  its  initiation  its  friends  were  incessantly  active,  while  those  who 
were  opposed  to  it  were  absolutely  apathetic,  not  appearing  to  realize  that,  if  not 
desired,  it  was  something  to  be  vigorously  fought;  and  it  was  not  until  after  the 
vote  upon  it  had  been  taken  that  they  awakened  to  the  necessity  of  action,  which 
was  then  too  late  to  have  any  staying  power. 

When  this  bill  was  finally  passed  in  the  Assembly,  in  April — the  Senate  had 
always  been  strongly  in  favor  of  it — and  it  was  submitted  to  the  mayors  of  the 
interested  cities  for  their  approval  or  otherwise;  both  the  Mayor  of  New 
York  and  that  of  Brooklyn  vetoed  it;  but  the  minor  and  less  important 
towns  and  cities  outnumbered  these  two,  and  won  the  victory.  The  bill 
united  under  one  city  government  the  old  City  of  New  York;  Kings 
County,  including  the  City  of  Brooklyn;  Richmond  County  (Staten 
Island);  Long  Island  City;  the  towns  of  Newtown,  Flushing  and  Jam- 
aica; and  a  part  of  the  Township  of  Hempstead.  A  commission  was 
appointed  to  prepare  a  charter  for  this  combined  territory.  This  com- 
mission was  composed  of  Mr.  Andrew  H.  Green,  Mr.  Strong,  Mayor  of  New 
York;  Mr.  Wurster,  Mayor  of  Brooklyn;  Mayor  Gleason,  of  Long  Island  City; 
the  State  Engineer  and  Surveyor,  C.  W.  Adams;  the  Attorney-General,  Theodore 
E.  Hancock;  and  nine  other  persons,  to  be  selected  by  the  Governor.  These 
were  required  to  make  their  final  report  on  or  before  February  ist,  1897.  This 
Commission  was  empowered  to  employ  a  clerical  staff,  to  subpoena  witnesses,  to 
compel  the  production  of  public  records,  or  municipal  documents,  and  to  admin- 
ister oaths. 

The  two  men  who  practically  prepared  the  charter  were  the  Hon.  William  C. 
De  Witt,  of  Brooklyn,  and  Mr.  David  Dean,  of  New  York,  for  many  years  con- 
nected with  the  Corporation  Counsel's  office  in  that  city.  Mr.  Dean's  continuous 
labor  on  the  charter  was  the  proximate  cause  of  his  death.  To  meet  the  necessary 
expense,  the  sum  of  $25,000  was  assigned  to  be  raised  by  the  cities  of  New  York 
and  Brooklyn  in  proportion  to  each  city's  valuation  of  its  real  estate.  The  last 
section  of  the  bill  provides  that  the  consolidation  "  shall  take  effect  on  the  first  of 
January  ,1898."  This  bill  had  been  repassed  by  the  Assembly  in  April,  over  the 
vetoes  of  Messrs.  Strong  and  Wurster,  by  a  vote  of  78  to  69.     As  it  was  known 


170 

that  the  consolidation  of  the  cities  was  originally  a  Republican  project,  devised 
for  the  purpose  and  with  the  expectation  of  overcoming  the  power  of  Tammany 
Hall,  and  that  most  of  the  commissioners  appointed  for  the  preparation  of  the 
charter  were  of  that  mind,  the  exact  nature  of  that  instrument  naturally  became  a 
subject  of  much  interest,  and  not  a  little  distrust,  although  the  integrity  and  abil- 
ity of  its  leading  framers  was  not  questioned;  yet  it  was  certain  that  several  of 
these  were  accustomed  to  look  at  all  matters  of  a  polilitical  nature  from  a  different 
standpoint  from  that  of  the  Tammany  magnates.  A  reform  mayor,  in  a  neigh- 
boring city,  had  just  drawn  much  criticism  upon  himself  by  his  published  expres- 
sion of  his  personal  views  as  to  "  How  to  Govern  a  Great  City,"  on  account  of  the 
vivid  contrast  which  existed  between  the  conditions  of  the  city,  unfortunately, 
under  his  rule,  and  the  exalted  views  professed. 

In  New  York  itself,  the  city,  under  a  "  reform  mayor."  was  simply  an  object 
lesson  of  discouragement.  Probably  meaning  honestly  to  begin  with,  but  sadly 
incompetent,  from  lack  of  experience — Mr.  Strong  was  not  a  politician,  but  a 
bank  President — his  administration  was  marked  with  favoritism  in  appointments, 
free  plunging  into  showy  and  unnecessary  expenses;  with  a  Police  Department 
quarrelling  among  themselves;  the  head  of  another  commission  driving  about 
the  city  in  a  gaudy  brougham,  with  driver  and  attendants  in  livery;  a  Building 
Superintendant  and  Dock  Commissioners  under  reproof  of  the  Corpora- 
tion Counsel ;  a  Street  Commissioner,  working  under  such  a  negligent 
system  of  payments  as  eventually  to  cost  the  city  many  thousands  of 
dollars  in  the  payment  for  work  which  was  never  done;  not  to  repeat,  here,  the 
tyrannical  application  of  laws  which  had  wearied  the  people  and  made  the  very 
word  "  reform  "  a  subject  of  ridicule.  It  was  no  wonder  that  the  practical  work- 
ing of  the  new  charter  was  looked  upon  with  considerable  doubt,  if  not  actual  dis- 
trust. 

The  much  discussed  Raine's  bill  was  signed  by  Governor  Morion  in  the  latter 
part  of  March.  As  Comptroller  Fitch  had  already  warned  the  Governor,  so  it 
proved,  when  put  into  operation.  Mr.  Fitch  was  a  man  of  long  experience  in 
municipal  matters.  In  the  protest  which  he  sent  to  Albany,  he  said :  "  I  have  never 
known  so  universal  condemnation  of  any  bill  among  all  parties,  and  all  classes  of 
citizens,  as  exists  in  this  city  toward  this  unjust  measure."  The  grounds  of  its 
unpopularity  were  numerous,  but  the  fundamental  wrong  was  its  audacious 
invasion  of  the  principle  of  Home  Rule.  Mr.  J.  C.  Sheehan,  acting  leader  of 
Tammany  Hall,  in  discussing  this  subject,  said:  "  A  meeting  should  be  called  in 
every  Assembly  district,  under  the  auspices  of  our  organization,  to  denounce  the 
Republican  party  for  imposing  such  an  iniquitous  measure  on  the  people  of  this 
State.  Tt  robs  the  charitable  institutions  of  the  city  of  over  $500,000  annually. 
It  robs  the  city  of  over  one-third  of  its  just  tax,  and  gives  this  money  to  the 
interior  counties  of  the  State.  It  permits  the  opening1  of  dives  of  all  kinds,  while 
closing  the  decent,  quiet  German  beer  saloons,  and  prohibiting  restaurants  from 
furnishing  wine  or  beer  with  meals  on  Sunday.  It  will  deprive  of  employment  at 
least  50,000  workmen,  hop-growers,  hop-pickers — both  men  and  women;  saloon- 
keepers, cigar  manufacturers,  butchers,  bakers  and  other  industries.  It  injures 
real  estate  owners  by  closing  a  great  number  of  stores,  dependent  on  early  Sun- 
day morning  trade.  Tt  opens  the  door  to  the  most  gigantic  political  blackmailing 
machine  ever  imposed  upon  a  law-abiding  community." 


'7' 


measure  delibi  i  atelj 
pow<  i  hi  ihr  hands  o( 


Another  leading  Tammanj  member  added:  "  It 
planned  with  the  clear  intention  of  placing  almosl  arbiti 
favored  Republicans." 

Commissioner  George  C.  Clausen  said  "II  is  a  direct  attack  upon  personal 
liberty;  the  most  intolerant  and  aggressive  measure  the  Republican  party  has 
ever  dared  to  thrust  upon  the  people.  It  will  work  great  injury  to  the  City  of 
New  York,  and  is  certain  to  lead  to  widespread  corruption,  bj  putting  the 
power  of  unlimited  discrimination  in  the  hands  of  partisans." 

The  official  opinion  of  Corporation  Counsel  Scott,  of  New  York  city,  "that 
certain  provisions  of  this  bill  were  to  go  into  effect  immediately,"  hurried  the 
action  of  Chief  Conlin,  of  the  Police  Department,  in  prohibiting  free  lunches,  and 
in  ordering  bars  to  be  exposed  to  view  from  the  streel ;  also  inhibiting  the  sale  of 
liquor  to  am  under  eighteen  years  of  age.  The  police  force  were  also  informed 
that  they  might  make  summary  arrests.  These  rules,  however,  did  not  apply  to 
private  clubs.     Thus  the  rich  were  favored  and  allowed  to  do  as  they  pleased. 


.'••  -JOS v  f&^&n^S/S**!^**! -yCJl "■•!•.•■ 


CHAPTER   LVII. 

THE  VICTORY  OF  1897. 

fp? J~~&  NE  of  the  unprecedented  features  of  the  campaign  of  1897  was  the 

^HH^HI  fact  that  every  newspaper  in  the  City  of  New  York  with  the  ex- 
ception of  four,  and  those  not  of  the  largest  circulation,  worked 
against  the  Tammany  ticket,  using,  instead  of  argument, 
unrestrained  abuse.  Misstatements  and  tricks  of  all  kinds, 
were  resorted  to  by  the  combined  opposition,  with  the  morti- 
fying result  to  them  that  the  Tammany  nominee  for  Mayor  was  elected  by  the 
large  vote  of  228,686,  being  a  plurality  of  over  80,000  over  his  strongest  oppon- 
ent, Seth  Low,  the  nominee  of  the  Citizens'  party;  which  shows  that,  whatever 
influence  the  papers  have,  they  cannot  crush  the  people's  sense  of  right  by  the  use 
of  invective,  against  that  of  natural  feeling  of  self-protection  which  can  discern 
an  enemy  under  the  disguise  of  fine  words,  fair  promises,  or  even  threats  of  dis- 
aster, when  experience  has  shown  that  these  are  false.  To  use  the  words  of  the 
great  Lincoln,  "  You  cannot  fool  all  the  people  all  the  time."  The  leading  papers, 
boasting  of  their  immense  circulation,  fell  powerless  before  the  discrimination  of 
the  great  majority,  which  does  think  for  itself,  at  least  when  its  personal  interests 
are  interfered  with  by  demagogues,  under  false  pretences,  however  much  they 
may  be  depreciated  by  those  who  claim  to  have  all  the  virtue  and  all  the  intel- 
ligence. 

Self-congratulation  before  election  had  been  so  prevalent  among  the  Seth 
Low  party,  who  felt  assured  of  victory,  that  the  disappointment  was  most  cruelly 
felt.  A  specimen  of  this  confidence  was  presented  by  an  act  of  the  well-known 
lawyer,  Joseph  H.  Choate  (now  Ambassador  in  England),  who,  a  few  days  before 
election,  and  after  prophesying  the  certain  victory  of  Mr.  Low,  asked  the  popular 
Episcopal  clergyman,  Dr.  Rainsford,  to  preach  the  very  best  sermon  he  could  on 
the  next  Sunday  from  the  text,  "  Beware  of  false  Prophets,"  meaning,  of  course, 
the  Democratic  leaders.  When  the  election  returns  came  in,  less  than  a  week 
later,  there  was  no  escaping  the  conclusion  that  Mr.  Choate  himself  was  an  illus- 
trious example  of  the  denunciation  of  the  text. 

With  the  Mayoralty  candidate,  Robert  A.  Van  Wvck,  the  whole  Democratic 
ticket  was  successful,  not  a  single  Republican  being  elected  in  New  York  city, 
and  only  four  in  the  Borough  of  Brooklyn.  In  the  State  the  Democratic 
majority  was  some  65,000.  Certainly  one  reason  for  this  signal  victory  was  the 
unexceptional  character  of  the  nominees;  not  the  most  fastidious  of  carpers 
could  find  any  personal  ground  of  objection  to  any  name  on  the  ticket.  Ex-Jus- 
tice Robert  A.  Van  Wyck  is  a  native  of  New  York  city,  of  Holland  stock,  edu- 
cated to  the  profession  of  Law,  and  elected  to  the  bench  of  the  City  Court  in 
1889.  His  decisions  have  been  almost  invariably  sustained  by  the  Appellate 
Courts.  He  had  long  been  a  consistent  Democrat.  When  we  remember  that 
the  consolidation  movement  was  a  Republican  project,  with  the  declared  hope  of 
destroying  Tammany,  the  test  result  was,  indeed,  legitimate  cause  for  extraordm 
ary  rejoicing  by  the  Democracy  of  the  great  city. 


73 

The  habitual  calumnj  in  which  the  opponents  of  Tarn  man)  indulge  has  sel 
dom  had  anj  serious  result,  and  certainlj  no  permanent  effect  on  the  organization 
itself,  because  intelligent  voters  knov  that  must  ol  the  accusations  are  absolutely 
false  or  wild  exaggerations.  <  If  course,  like  all  human  institutions,  it  is  subject  t<> 
mistakes  or  temporar)  errors  of  policy,  but,  in  the  general  honesty  of  purpose  to 
do  well  for  the  city,  it  compares  more  than  favorably  with  its  perennial  accusers. 

Though  tins  continuous  and  vicious  misrepresentation  rarely  does  damage 
to  its  specific  object,  it  does  great  damage  in  another  direction.  It  injures  the 
fair  fame  of  the  metropolis  of  the  country.  It  is  treason  to  all  the  dwellers  in 
the  city.  Every  New  Yorker  is  lowered  in  the  estimation  of  foreigners.  It  must 
be  so,  when  Europeans  are  led  to  believe  that  they  willingly  choose  to  live  under 
an  organization  which  is  utterly  corrupt,  and  have  done  so  for  over  a  hundred 
years!  And  what  is  the  motive  of  these  slanderers  of  the  leading  city  of  the 
nation?  Simply  to  get  control  themselves  of  the  municipal  government,  with  the 
patronage  it  implies;  and  for  this  they  are  willing  to  blacken  the  character  of  the 
majority  of  their  own  townsmen.  English  and  other  foreign  editors  cannot  con- 
ceive of  such  turpitude  in  what  pass  for  respectable  American  papers,  and  conclude 
that  the  charges  must  be  true;  so  they  join  in  the  chorus  of  abuse,  and  add  their 
little  mite  to  the  defamation  of  the  metropolis.  Every  American's  moral  sta- 
tus abroad  is  thus  wilfully  lowered  by  these  conscienceless  slanderers  of  Tammany. 

List  of  National  Parties  which  Tammany  has  Outlived. 

Federals — Represented  by  George  Washington  and  John  Adams ' 7^^-1796 

Coalition — John  Q.  Adams   1824 

National-Republican — Henry   Clay    1828-1832 

Anti-Masonic — William    Wirt    1832 

Whig — General  William   I  I.   Harrison   1840 

Liberty  Party — James  (..  Birney   1844 

Free-Soil — M.  Van  Buren   1 848 

Free  Democratic — John  1*.  Hale   1852 

Whig— Winfield  Scott 1852 

Native  American — Millard  Fillmore    1856 

Republican — John  C.  Fremont   1856 

Conservative  Union — John  Bell  i860 

Independent  Democrat — S.  A.  Douglas   i860 

Single  Tax — Henry  George  

The  crop  of  local  opponents  now  hors  du  combat  are  very  numerous:  most  of 
them  will  be  found  named  in  a  later  chapter. 

Fiat  Justitia  mat  Coclum. 
_'*L£t  Justice  be  done,  though  the  Heavens  fall."  This  appears  to  have  been 
the  controlling  spirit  in  which  Mayor  Robert  A.  Van  Wyck  entered  upon  his  new 
duties,  which  he  had  officially  accepted  in  a  speech  of  little  more  than  a  single  sen- 
tence. In  reply  to  Mayor  Strong's  address  of  welcome,  holding  out  his  hand  to 
the  retiring  Mayor,  he  simply  said:  "  I  accepted  this  office  at  the  hands  of  the 
people,  and  to  them  will  I  answer."  The  only  preceding  speech  which  he  uttered, 
during  the  campaign,  was  almost  equally  brief,  and  was  addressed  to  the  members 
of  the  committee   which   announced  to  him   his   election,   and   was   as   follows: 


174 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  Tammany  Hall  Executive  Committee,  I  thank  you  all  kindly 
for  the  work  you  did  for  me  on  election  day,  and  I  hope  that  I  may  prove  as  suc- 
cessful an  executive  as  I  was  as  a  candidate."  But,  though  so  brief  of  speech,  the 
new  Mayor  spoke  quickly  enough  by  his  actions,  reminding  one  of  Shakespeare's 
"Cordelia,"  who  says:  "What  I  well  intend  I'll  do't  before  I  speak."  His  views 
upon  municipal  expenditures  he  summarized  thus:  "  Increased  expenditures 
must  be  guarded  against  wherever  possible,  without  interfering  with  natural 
growth  and  progress."  He  believed  in  attending  to  one  thing  at  a  time.  "  It  is," 
he  remarked,  "  a  waste  of  energy  to  preoccupy  the  mind  unnecessarily;  wait  till  a 
matter  actually  comes  up  for  decision;  you  cannot  do  justice  to  what  is  before 
you,  if  you  are  worrying  about  future  contingencies."  Again:  "  I  want  men 
about  me  who  will  confine  themselves  to  the  duties  of  the  office  they  fill."  He 
also  recognized  the  necessity  of  physical  health  to  properly  perform  mental  work. 
Hence,  he  refused  to  be  hurried,  realizing  that  time  was  needed  to  get  all  the  ele- 
ments thus  suddenly  thrust  together  into  smoothly  running  order.  It  was  not  an 
easy   matter  in  all   cases  to  fix  the  interpretation  of  the  language  of  the  charter. 

The  Civil  Service  Commissioners,  for  instance,  at  a  meeting  held  in  Decem- 
ber, indorsed  the  action  of  the  old  New  York  Board,  which  declared  of  the  char- 
ter "that  where  any  Board  or  Department  was  legislated  out  of  power  under  the 
new  charter,  its  employees,  without  further  examination,  should  stand  at  the  head 
of  the  eligible  list  for  promotion,  in  any  similar  department  created  under  the  new 
municipal  government."  This,  of  course,  proved  very  embarrassing  to  the  new 
administration.  The  new  Civil  Service  Commissioners,  however,  took  an  oppo- 
site view.  Messrs.  Knox,  Dyckman  and  Deyo  thought  Governor  Black's  civil 
service  rules  became  inoperative  under  the  charter.  The  practical  question  was, 
"  Can  the  State  Board  control  New  York  city  ?  "  The  charter,  having  provided 
that  "  All  Acts  or  parts  of  Acts  inconsistent  with  it,  are  to  be  regarded  as 
repealed,"  the  latter  would  appear  to  have  been  the  true  solution. 

Many  other  difficulties  were  encountered  on  the  inauguration  of  the  new  gov- 
ernment of  the  consolidated  city,  but  none  occasioned  so  much  perplexity,  annoy- 
ance and  disappointment  as  the  condition  of  the  finances,  all  the  annexed  boroughs 
having  so  managed,  late  in  the  preceding  year,  to  involve  their  several  sections 
deeply  in  debt,  with  the  expectation  that  these  local  claims  would  be  met  and  paid 
by  the  greater  city.  It  was  an  exasperating  condition  which  confronted  the  new 
Mayor,  and  drew  forth  from  his  closely  guarded  lips,  referring  to  the  largest  of 
these  boroughs,  the  expression  that  "  it  had  left  him  a  legacy  of  fraud,"  in  that  the 
annexed  borough  had  recklessly  expended  large  sinus  of  money  for  which  no 
satisfactory  returns  were  visible,  and  had  contracted  heavy  debts  with  the  expec- 
tation of  foisting  the  payment  upon  the  consolidated  city.  As  the  most  serious  of 
these  maladministrations  had  occurred  in  the  large  Borough  of  Brooklyn  under  a 
semi-Reform  Republican  Mayor,  the  object  lesson  of  its  exposure  tended  greatly 
to  the  removal  of  prejudice  against  the  coming  Democratic  regeme  in  the  greater 
city. 


>75 


<  ll  \l'l  ER    L\  III. 

SOME  TAMMANY  MEN    SOME  TAMMANY  INCIDENTS. 

BILL  had  been  introduced  into  the  House, in  the  spring  of  1896, 
for  the  construction  <>t'  six  new  naval  vessels,  bui  the  Senate, 
in  its  false  economy,  had  cut  down  the  number  to  tour,  and 
when  the  bill  was  under  reconsideration,  in  the  House,  a  mem- 
ber had  suggested  the  adoption  of  tin.'  Senate's  amendment, 
It  Mr.  Cummings  had  foreseen  the  war  of  [898  he  could  not 
d  more  vigorously  Or  intelligent!)  for  tin-  expansion  of  tlu-  Navy, 
low  see  was  our  main  strength  and  reliance  againsl  Spain,  and  that 
with  a  less  forcible  Navy  than  we  had  the  war  might  have  lasted  for  years.  Mr. 
Cummings  was  Chairman  of  the  Naval  Committee  of  the  Fifty-third  Congress, 
and  had  been  an  influential  member  of  the  same  in  previous  wars,  and  had  always 
favored  the  most  liberal  appropriations  for  the  increase  and  development  of  our 
naval  strength. 

Considering  the  honor  which  the  Nav)  has.  h\  its  record  of  [898,  brought  to 
the  American  nation,  it  is  interesting  to  recall  the  fact  that  the  Tamilian \  repre- 
sentative in  the  Congress  of  180.6,  Amos  J.  Cummings,  was  one  of  the  most  per- 
sistent statesmen  that  had  on  every  opportunity  which  was  offered,  during  the 
nine  years  that  he  had  been  in  the  House,  urged  upon  Congress  the  crying  need 
for  the  construction  of  more  ships.  Two  years  before  the  proclamation  of  the 
war  against  Spain,  Mr.  Cummings  made  two  most  earnest  and  eloquent  speeches 
in  favor  of  increasing  the  Navy,  showing,  by  historical  data,  the  absolute  necessity 
for  the  better  protection  of  our  seaboard  and  especially  the  desirability  for  the 
United  States  to  have  the  means  of  protecting  its  citizens  abroad,  and  the  ability 
to  meet  force  with  force,  if  circumstances  should  require  it,  on  the  sea. 

Another  eminently  useful  member  of  Tammany  introduced  a  bill  for  the 
better  lighting  and  general  arrangements  of  the  Forty-second  street  tunnel  in 
New  York,  the  previous  dark  condition  of  which  had  caused  many  serious  and 
fatal  accidents.  Mr.  William  Sulzer,  now  Congressman  (1900),  is  responsible 
for  the  Freedom-of- Worship  law,  (for  all  public  institutions);  the  amended 
Mechanics'  lien  law;  the  Albany  Capitol  Appropriation  law,  intended  to  curb  the 
wild  expenditures  heretofore  indulged  in  on  that  perennial  work;  the  amended 
law  abolishing  imprisonment  for  debt;  the  ten-hour  law  for  labor;  Woman's 
Reformatory  law;  the  anti-Conspiracy  law;  the  Constitutional  Celebration  law; 
a  law  for  the  establishment  of  the  Aquarium  in  New  York  city,  a  valuable,  instruc- 
tive resort  for  the  people;  with  many  other  laws  of  essential  benefit  to  the  com- 
munity which,  without  his  aid,  would  have  failed. 

When  Mr.  Croker  returned  from  his  long  absence,  toward  the  end  of  Novem- 
ber, new  life  seemed  to  be  infused  into  Tammany  Hall,  and  it  was  decided  that  a 
general,  but  gradual  and  quiet,  transformation  must  take  place,  weeding  out  the 
inefficient  or  useless  leaders  and  members,  displacing  such  of  the  former  as  had 
failed  in  their  duties  or  manifested  a  lack  of  zeal;  infusing  new  blood  wherever 
needed.      Mr.     Croker     fully     recognized     the     faithful     work     done     during 


i76 

nis  absence,  and  was  not  discouraged  by  the  result  of  the  late  election.  He  said: 
"  In  my  opinion,  Tammany  Hall  made  a  gallant  fight  against  great  odds.  The 
really  large  vote  polled  on  November  3d  in  this  city  may  be  taken  as  a  presage  of 
future  success.  Of  next  year's  municipal  control,  I  can  only  say  I  am  confident 
of  victory.  As  I  take  it,  there  is  no  intention  to  fight  a  Presidential  campaign 
during  only  a  municipal  one.  Next  year  all  Democrats  will  be  together  for  the 
common  good."  This  expectation  was  founded  on  the  belief  that  the  silver  ques- 
tion would  then  be  eliminated  from  the  contest. 

The  Presidential  election  being  over,  Tammany  was  free  to  commence  its 
work  for  1897.  The  next  campaign  would  be  far  more  vital  to  the  interests  of 
the  city  than  the  one  just  passed.  The  Federal  election  affected  New  Yorkers, 
simply  as  Democrats,  equally  with  all  other  Democrats  throughout  the  Union, 
neither  more  nor  less,  but  the  municipal  election  next  in  view  was  altogether  of 
another  character,  and  one  with  which  the  party  outside  of  New  York  had  no 
special  interest,  but  which  was  of  far  more  importance  to  Tammany  than  any 
which  had  preceded  it  during  its  whole  existence;  for,  on  this  approaching  elec- 
tion turned  the  control  of  the  enlarged  metropolis  for  four  consecutive  years,  with 
possibilities  of  an  indefinite  extension. 

It  was  well-known  that  the  original  project  of  consolidation  of  the  neighbor- 
ing towns  and  cities  with  old  New  York  had  been  conceived  in  the  Republican 
brain  in  the  hope  and  firm  expectation  that  it  would  thus  be  able  to  overcome  the 
influence  of  Tammany;  and  some  even  imagined  that  it  could  thus  actually 
destroy  the  indestructable.  Ex-Governor  Black,  in  speaking  of  the  consolidation 
measure,  evidently  viewed  it  from  a  political  and  not  a  municipal  standpoint.  In 
January,  1897,  he  said:  "The  extent  of  its  influence  is  not  safe  to  predict.  Con- 
ditions have  arisen  more  than  once  in  which  an  entire  national  policy  has 
depended  upon  this  State.  When  questions  of  such  moment  become  thus  depen- 
dent, the  position  of  the  City  of  New  York  is  commanding  and  may  be  decisive. 
Every  move  upon  this  subject  should  result  from  the  utmost  caution  and  study." 
Does  not  this  expression  of  opinion  clearly  indicate  that  Governor  Black  was 
thinking  solely  of  national  politics,  rather  than  of  the  wellbeing  of  the  community 
for  which  the  charter  was  at  that  time  being  prepared?  The  clearer  such  intent 
was  developed  the  more  intense  grew  the  feeling  in  Tammany  circles  that  the  city 
must  be  redeemed  and  secured  for  the  Democracy. 

At  the  Tammany  Central  Club,  where  Mr.  Croker  was  present,  early  in 
January,  he  took  occasion  to  state,  anew,  his  position,  which  was:  First,  that  he 
had  not  taken  up  a  residence  in  England,  which  had  been  persistently  asserted, 
but  that  his  home  was  in  New  York,  and  always  would  be,  but  that  lie  had  defin- 
itely withdrawn  from  mere  routine  work  in  Tammany  Hall,  though  he  had  lost 
none  of  his  interest  in  its  success.  He  next  expressed  himself  in  the  belief  that 
rotation  in  office  was  eminently  desirable,  with  the  full  conviction  that  when  a 
man  had  been  in  office  three  or  four  years  he  should  resign,  and  make  way  for  new 
men.  This  rotation,  he  added,  keeps  the  blood  in  circulation,  and  excites  the 
ambition  of  the  younger  men,  and  is  an  incitement  to  them  to  work  for  the  party. 

An  amusing  incident  occurred  about  this  time  illustrative  of  the  habit  of 
many  Republicans  of  using  every  opportunity  to  make  a  verbal  thrust  at  Tam- 
many, without  any  special  reason  for  doing  so.  The  event  occurred  at  a  social 
meeting  of  the  Colonial  Club,  at  which  Stewart  L.  Woodford,  our  late  Minister  to 


V7 

Spain,  figured,  which  vividly  recalls  the  faux  pus  made  bj  General  Jackson,  as 
narrated  in  a  previous  chapter.  On  this  later  occasion  General  Woodford 
happened  to  be  present  at  the  club  as  a  substitute  speakei  [or  General  Trai  y,  and 
was  so  led  to  believe  thai  the  Colonial  was  a  Republican  club,  and,  in  responding 

to  the  toast  "  ( heater  ,\Yu  York,"  he  began  a  violent  attack  upon  Tammanj  I  [all, 
not  apparently  having  observed  the  presence  oi  e\  Mayor  <  iilroj .  <  lolonel  William 
L.  Brown  and  other  leading  Democrats.  Commencing  his  ill  timed  tirade,  he 
predicted,   among  other   offensive    remarks,    that    "the   combined    ant  i  Tamilian) 

forces  would  soon  throttle  Tammanj    Hall,"  etc.  etc.     Colonel   Brown  could 

endure  no  more,  and  rose  to  resent  the  attack.  He  gol  no  farther  than.  "  I 
denounce,"  when  General  Woodford,  perceiving  his  blunder,  hastily  concluded 
his  speech,  and  left  the  room,  while  Colonel  Brown's  friends  did  all  they  could  to 
pacify  him.  The  fact  was  that  the  Colonial  Club  was  composed  of  gentlemen  he 
longing  to  both  political  parties,  and  was  wholly  social  in  its  nature.  If  this  fact 
had  been  communicated  to  the  General,  in  time,  it  would  have  saved  him  from  a 
ver\    mortifying  discomfiture. 

An  incident  of  a  different  nature,  though  akin  to  this  as  an  exponent  of  ignor- 
ant prejudice,  happened  in  the  County  Clerk's  office  in  New  York.  An  elderly 
citizen  entered  to  ask  some  ordinary  question  which  the  Deputy  Clerk,  Mr.  Scully. 
courteously  answered.  On  turning  to  go,  the  visitor  happened  to  notice  on  the 
wall  the  sign,  "  Smoking  prohibited  here."  "  I  am  glad  to  see  that  notice."  he 
remarked;  "when  those  Tammany  rascals  held  possession  here  they  would  have 
had  that  down  in  two  minutes,  but  a  citizen  can  get  civilly  treated  here  now," 
etc.,  etc.  Just  look  round,  and  see  the  gentlemanly-looking  clerks."  "  My  good 
man,"  said  Mr.  Scully,  "this  office  is  in  charge  of  gentlemen  who  are  all  con- 
nected with  Tammany  Hall."  "  What's  that  ?  "  exclaimed  the  astounded  citizen. 
"  I  say,"  repeated  Mr.  Scully,  "  that  all  the  gentlemen  at  these  desks  are  members 
of  Tammany  Hall."  On  comprehending  which  statement,  the  bewildered  man, 
without  another  word,  beat  a  masterly,  if  somewhat  hasty,  retreat.  He,  like 
thousands  of  others,  had  evidently  formed  his  opinion  from  some  of  the  vitupera- 
tive Republican  orators,  or  papers,  without  really  knowing  anything  on  which  to 
form  a  just  opinion. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  General  Committee  in  January,  1897,  one  of  the  speakers, 
referring  to  the  last  election,  in  the  exuberance  of  his  faith,  exclaimed:  "Tam- 
many Hall  serves  notice  to-night  on  the  ignorant  and  incompetent  administration 
which  now  governs  the  city  (the  Strong  and  Roosevelt)  that  it  has  started  a  relent- 
less warfare  against  the  '  reform  '  cabal,  which  will  not  end  till  that  cabal  is 
exterminated  root  and  branch,  and  New  York  city  is  redeemed  from  its  domina- 
tion. This  ignorant  set  has  made  New  York  city  ridiculous  in  the  eyes  of  the 
world,  presenting  the  picture  of  Hypocrisy  arm  in  arm  with  the  ghost  of  assumed 
Virtue;  watching  Hope  die  in  the  arms  of  official  Incompetency."  These  words, 
extravagant  though  they  might  sound,  under  the  circumstances,  were  destined  to 
be  redeemed  at  the  polls  within  less  than  a  twelvemonth  of  the  time  in  which  they 
were  uttered.  The  only  defection  of  any  account  at  this  time  was  the  with- 
drawal of  County  Clerk  Henry  D.  Purroy,  who  had  been  Chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Organization.  It  was  not  considered  remarkable  that  this  self-centred 
person  should  bolt  at  any  moment,  as  his  proclivity  that  way  had  become  chronic. 
His  action  had  no  observable  ill  results. 


i78 

On  the  occasion  of  the  celebration  of  the  National  Independence,  this  year, 
Hon.  Amos  J.  Cummings  gave  the  key-note  to  the  general  thought.  He  said: 
"  It  is  time  for  a  declaration  of  independence  on  the  part  of  the  people  of  the  City 
of  New  York.  Home  Rule  is  what  is  wanted.  The  city  to-day  is  simply  a 
satrapy  of  the  State.  It  recalls  the  situation  of  the  colonies  in  1776.  The  time 
for  this  new  declaration  of  independence  is  the  coming  fall.  The  result  of  the 
election  then  will  express  the  sentiment  of  the  people.  If  they  desire  to  continue 
to  pay  64  per  cent,  of  the  State  taxes  on  a  one-fourth  representation  in  the  Legis- 
lature, they  will  not  vote  the  Tammany  ticket.  A  vote  for  the  Tammany  ticket  is 
a  declaration  of  independence  on  the  part  of  every  individual  citizen,  and  the  re- 
pudiation of  bigotry,  intolerance  and  dishonesty  masquerading  under  the  guise  of 
reform." 

Of  course,  the  Republicans,  and  all  monometallists,  had  been  hoping  that 
Tammany  would  fully  adopt  and  support  the  16  to  1  silver  heresy;  as  this  attitude 
would  have  given  them  the  most  effective  weapon  which  they  could  have  hoped 
for  in  the  great  battle;  but,  being  disappointed  in  this  they  still  endeavored  to 
fix  this  stigma  upon  the  party,  not  realizing  that  the  people  knew  that  the  National 
campaign  was  really  over,  and  that  silver  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  coming 
struggle.  One  of  the  clearest  statements  on  this  point  was  made  by  the 
able  editor  of  the  Tammany  Times,  in  the  issue  of  that  paper  of  date  May 
15th,  1897.  The  article  is  too  long  for  insertion  here,  but  the  following  are 
the  main  points  of  the  argument.  He  asks:  "  What  has  the  national  financial 
question  to  do  with  the  local  government  of  the  City  of  Greater  New  York  ?  The 
opponents  of  Tammany  are  trying  to  'ring  a  dead  issue  into  a  live  campaign.' 
What  we  want  in  this  great  city  is  Home  Rule,  pure  and  simple,  in  the  true  sense 
of  the  word.  Under  Tammany  administration,  taxes  were  lower;  the  Police 
Department  more  efficient;  every  one  of  the  city  departments  was  in  better  condi- 
tion; all  petty  differences  were  not  aired  before  a  long-suffering  public  through 
sensational  newspapers;  but  were  promptly  adjusted  by  the  officers  of  the  Tam- 
many organization;  and,  under  that  control,  how  much  better  were  the  times 
than  under  this  present  '  reform  '  administration?  Certainly,  we  had  the  misfor- 
tune, under  the  previous  Democratic  Mayor,  to  be  assailed  by  a  mass  of  howling 
Dervishes,  calling  themselves  reformers.  One  Goff,  having  attained  to  a  place  of 
importance,  becoming  prominent  through  the  Lexow  investigation,  displayed  his 
skill  at  cross-examination  by  forcing  a  reluctant  witness  to  confess  that  a 
majority  of  the  Republicans  holding  office  in  the  city  were  corrupt!  This  investi- 
gation cost  the  city  many  thousands  of  dollars.  Yet  there  is  worse  corruption  in 
all  the  reform  city  departments  now  (1897)  than  ever  existed  under  Tammany. 
Even  Mayor  Strong  complimented  Tammany  and  its  President  of  the  Board  of 
Police,  by  keeping  the  incumbent  of  that  office  six  months  under  his  own 
administration." 


'-' 


CHAPTER   L1X. 

IMPROVEMENTS  IN  NEW  YORK  CITY. 

MAT  no  False  economy  but  g 1  management  accounted  for  the 

better  showing  of    Democratic    rule  it    is   well   to   remind   our 

readers  of  a  few  Facts  of  which  indeed  the)  can  scarcel)  I 
norant,  as  that  during  the  six  years  under  consideration  thirt) 
three  capacious  school  house's  were  built,  and  at  the  close  of 
Mayor  Gilroy's  term  of  office  fourteen   additional   schools  and 
annexes   were   in   process  of  erection.      It   was   Democratic   officials   who   inau 
gurated  the  great  and  much  needed  work  of  improving  the  water  front  in  the 
early  months  of  1889.     Useless  piers  were  removed;  lift\  live  substantial,  line 
piers  were  built,  and  twenty-three  piers  extended;  nearly  20,000  feet  of  new 
bulkhead  and  crib  work  were  completed,  ready  for  use,  greatly  to  the  advantage 
and  increase  of  commerce  to  this  port.     Contrast  this  with  the  record  of  the  "re 
form"  Dock  Commissioners,  who  neither  built  nor  extended  a  single  pier. 

In  the  matter  of  streets,  from  January  1st,  1889,  to  December  est,  [894,  [68 
miles  of  new  pavement  were  laid,  and  250  miles  relaid  and  repaired;  and,  before 
the  close  of  the  second  Democratic  Mayoralty,  107  miles  of  new  water-mains  had 
been  laid,  and  the  water  supply  of  the  city  nearly  doubled:  and  for  the  sanitary 
improvement  of  the  city  many  miles  of  new  sewers  were  not  only  laid,  hut  car- 
ried far  enough  out  from  the  ends  of  the  new  piers  to  ensure  the  contents  being 
carried  a  safe  distance  from  the  shore.  Among  other  valuable  services  rendered 
the  community  by  Tammany,  might  be  mentioned  the  erection  of  armories, 
court  houses,  viaducts,  bridges,  small  parks  and  other  improvements,  so  numer- 
ous that  even  the  briefest  mention  of  them  would  he  tedious.  In  view  of  these 
facts,  and  many  more  of  a  similar  nature  which  may  lie  readily  verified  at  the  vari- 
ous departments  by  those  desiring  the  truth,  there  does  not  seem  much  room  for 
charges  of  misapplication  of  funds  or  wasteful  extravagance. 

The  truth  is  that,  with  all  the  outcry  about  partisan  politics,  a  body  of  men 
filling  public  offices,  without  an  organized  party  behind  them,  are  the  most 
unsafe  of  municipal  managers — not  being  responsible  to  any  authority,  and  know- 
ing the  unstable  tenure  of  their  position,  they  are  under  the  strongest  temptation 
to  make  the  most  of  their  opportunity  in  grasping  at  the  spoils;  while,  on  the 
contrary,  organized,  permanent  parties  have  always  the  future  welfare  of  that 
party  to  consider,  which  acts  as  a  wholesome  check  in  causing  the  officeholder  to 
reflect  on  the  bearing  any  unfaithfulness  on  his  part  would  have  on  the  future 
success  of  his  party  and  his  own  career. 

Mr.  Croker  arrived  from  Europe  the  first  week  in  September.  During  his 
absence  rumors  had  been  rife  as  to  who  would  be  the  permanent  leader  of  the 
organization,  which  appeared  for  two  or  three  years  to  have  been  open  to  who- 
ever was  best  able  to  fill  the  position;  with  a  natural  supposition  that  the  man 
whom  Mr.  Croker  had  designated  as  his  choice,  when  lie  resigned  the  Chairman- 
ship of  the  Finance  Committee,  would  hold  the  place  permanently ;    while  other 


i8o 

eminent  members  of  the  organization  were  more  specially  favored  by  their  per- 
sonal friends.  All  this  mass  of  conjecture  dropped  away  as  if  by  magic  when  the 
veteran  manager  reappeared  upon  the  scene.  Within  a  very  brief  period,  with- 
out any  formality  or  public  resumption  of  his  old-time  offices,  he  was  practically 
recognized  as  the  dominant  mind,  and  just  the  man  needed  for  the  great  struggle 
now  within  a  few  weeks  of  victory  or  defeat. 

The  great  Democratic  Convention,  which  was  held  in  the  Grand  Central 
Palace  this  fall,  was  the  first  lammany  meeting  which  recognized  Brooklyn  lead- 
ing Democrats  as  natural  colaborers,  Messrs.  Bernard  J.  York  and  Almet  F. 
Jenks,  with  others  from  that  borough,  being  heartily  welcomed  to  the  platform. 
It  was  at  this  meeting  that  the  name  of  Robert  A.  Van  Wyck  was  first  publicly 
mentioned  as  a  fitting  candidate  for  the  Mayoralty  of  the  great  city  so  soon  to 
commence  its  chartered  existence.  The  nomination  was  made  by  Justice 
McCarthy,  of  the  City  Court,  which  he  introduced  with  a  short,  but  telling  speech, 
ex-Judge  Troy,  of  Kings,  seconding  the  nomination.  Other  municipal  officers 
were  selected,  and  a  platform  naturally  followed.  This  latter  emphasized  the  need 
of  those  cardinal  Democratic  doctrines,  Home  Rule  and  personal  liberty,  con- 
demning the  Raines  law;  conspiracies  to  crush  out  competition  in  business;  in 
favor  of  municipal  ownership  of  municipal  franchises;  reduction,  to  a  reasonable 
rate,  of  illuminating  gas;  insisting  on  the  eight-hour  law  for  labor;  favoring  ade- 
quate school  accommodations;  the  development  of  rapid  transit  and  public 
improvements  of  every  character.  With  these  plainly  expressed  aims  and  pur- 
poses, they  asked  the  people  for  that  support  which  was,  two  months  later, 
answered  with  a  most  emphatic  affirmative  response. 

By  this  time  the  Citizens'  Union,  with  Seth  Low  for  its  candidate,  was 
engaged  in  active  work.  Senator  Piatt  was  urging  his  candidate,  General  Tracy, 
on  the  regular  Republican  voters.  Henry  George  had  gathered  quite  a  numer- 
ous following,  while  smaller  factions  of  both  parties  were  following  with  a  hue  and 
cry — it  was  Tammany  against  the  field,  but,  with  undaunted  courage  and  feeling 
certain  of  success,  because  the  community,  by  this  time,  had  sufficient  experience 
of  "  reform  government  "  to  compare  its  claims  with  its  performance. 

At  this  point  it  became  important  to  secure  the  active  co-operation  of  the 
populous  Borough  of  Brooklyn,  which  was  the  stronghold  of  the  Seth  Low  party; 
and  all  politicians  recognized  the  fact  that  the  position  taken  by  the  trusted  and 
experienced  leader,  Mr.  Hugh  McLaughlin,  would  have  a  decided  influence  upon 
the  voters  of  that  section.  Little  doubt,  however,  was  entertained  that  he  would 
give  his  hearty  support  to  the  municipal  ticket  though  ever  jealous  of  the  honor 
and  the  just  claims  of  Brooklyn.  Those  who  knew  him  best  felt  certain  that  he 
would  not  desert  the  general  interests  of  Democracy,  or  risk  its  defeat,  out  of  any 
feeling  of  uncertainty  as  to  how  his  native  borough  might  fare  in  the  consolida- 
tion of  the  cities.  The  event  proved  that  his  good  common  sense  and  his  keen 
political  insight  could  be  depended  upon  to  throw  his  powerful  influence  in  the 
direction  of  destroying  fake  reform,  and  re-establishing  an  honest  and  reliable  city 
government,  so  sadly  warped  from  its  course  of  true  reform  under  the  control  of 
fanaticism,  bigotry  and  extravagance. 

Among  all  the  combinations  attempted  against  Tammany  at  this  time  there 
was  none  more  grotesque  than  one  which  was  made  in  the  Harlem  district,  to 
effect  a  union  between  the    Republicans,    the    Citizens'    Union    and    the    Henrv 


ifil 

George  League.  The  Republicans,  representing,  as  they  did,  strictly  machine 
rule,  and  a  "boss"  specially  execrated  by  the  Citizens'  party,  the  Seth  Lowitea 
standing  for  the  money  power  and  as  claimants  to  superior  virtue;  while  the 
Henry  George  party,  falsely  calling  themselves  Jeffersonian  Democrats  (a  name 

to  which  they  had  not  a  shadow  of  rightful  claim  i.  and  reall)  representing  notli 
ing  hut  the  debasement  of  our  currency  and  impractical,  even  fantastic  notions 
such  as  the  single-tax  theory.  Where  was  the  mental  or  moral  cement  which 
could  hind  together  such  heterogeneous  material? 

Mr.  Croker,  viewing,  with  some  amusement,  the  three  leading  opponents  to 
be  met  at  the  polls,  sententiously  grouped  them  thus: 

A  vote  for  Benjamin  F.  Tracy  means  the  rule  of  Plutocracy, 

A  vote  for  Seth  Low  means  a  Dictatorship. 

A  vote  for  Henry  George  means  Socialism. 

A  vote  for  Robert  A.  Van  Wyck  means  individual  freedom  and  Home  Rule 

He  added:  "The  Democratic  organization  known  as  Tammany  Hall  is  the 
only  party  that  has  always  protected  the  interests  of  the  people  absolutely,  fear- 
lessly and  faithfully,  as  representing  the  Democratic  party." 

It  has  been  sometimes  asked:  "Why,  if  Tammany  possesses  average  political 
honesty,  are  so  many  people  found  prejudiced  against  it?"  There  are  two 
reasons.  One  is  that  its  opponents  have  always  dealt  largely  in  vituperation 
rather  than  argument,  and  so  influenced  many  who  listen  to  only  one  side;  while 
the  Democratic  party  practice  just  the  reverse,  deal  in  argument  and  avoid  abuse. 

Another  reason  is  that  when  Tammany  finds  anything  going  wrong  in  that 
organization,  the  Society  is  the  first  to  expose  it  and  root  it  out,  and  secure  the 
punishment  of  the  offender.  Thus  the  wrong  immediately  becomes  known,  and 
the  whole  party  is  blamed,  when,  indeed,  this  action  is  deserving  of  credit.  The 
opponents  of  Tammany  have  habitually  taken  the  opposite  course — as  they  have 
so  recently  exemplified  in  the  matter  of  army  contracts,  etc.  Their  aim  uniformly 
is  not  to  expose  faults  or  crimes  in  their  partisans,  but  to  conceal  the  crime,  if 
possible,  and  shield  the  criminal,  while  claiming  a  monopoly  of  all  the  virtues. 
Which  is  the  honester  course? 

This  is  a  great  cosmopolitan  and  Democratic  city,  and  should  be  governed  hy- 
men of  Democratic  minds.  They  should  not  rest  until  Home  Rule  is 
secured.  They  should  make  their  own  laws,  and  not  be  hampered  by 
country  gentry  who  cannot  understand  the  needs  of  a  great  metropolis. 
Misrepresentation  of  Tammany  has  been  so  habitual  that  many  accept  the  mere 
accusations  for  truth,  mainly  from  the  fact  of  constant  repetition,  never  taking 
the  time  or  having  interest  enough  to  seek  out  the  truth  for  themselves.  An' 
organization  which  has-  endured  all  kinds  of  assaults  for  over  a  century  must 
necessarily  be  honest  in  its  methods.  If  unsound  in  any  essential  of  good  govern- 
ment, could  it  have  endured  so  long  in  a  free  Republic? 

At  a  large  and  most  enthusiastic  meeting  of  the  General  Committee,  held  the 
first  week  in  June,  the  Secretary,  John  B.  McGoldrick,  read  an  elaborate  paper 
setting  forth  the  unseemly  condition  of  the  reform  government  of  the  City  of 
New  York,  of  which  the  following  items  formed  a  part: 

First — The  proven  fact  that  every  charge  against  Democratic  city  officials  by 
the  Lexow  investigating  committee,  in  1894,  was  shown  to  be  false;  though  the 
sum  of  $200,000,  half  of  which  was  authorized  by  the  State  Legislature  for  the 


ife 


employment  of  expert  accountants,  was  expended  in  the  search;  and  also  that 
Democratic  officeholders,  during  their  six  years  in  office,  handled  $250,000,000,  of 
which  not  one  dollar  was  stolen  or  wasted! 

Secondly — That  every  contract  entered  into  for  public  work  was  awarded  to 
the  lowest  bidder. 

Thirdly- — That  no  public  work  was  paid  for  until  the  inspectors  and  engineers 
of  the  department  had  certified  that  the  specifications  were  strictly  carried  out. 
and  that  this  was  also  indorsed  by  the  engineers  of  the  Comptroller's  office. 

The  annual  yearly  budget  under  Mayors  Grant  and  Gilroy,  from  January 
1st,  1889,  to  December  31st,  1894,  was  $34,210,310.33.  The  budget  for  1897, 
under  Mayor  Strong,  was  $45,686,297.17. 

Here  is  a  list  of  the  increased  amounts  in  each  department  under  Mayor 
Strong  above  the  expenditures  of  the  last  year  under  Tammany  administration: 

INCREASE. 

Mayor's  office  and  Bureau  of  License,  Common  Council $14,155 

Department  of  Public  Works    457,595 

Department  of  Street  Improvements    420,390 

Department  of  Health    156,278 

Police    Department    1,844,792 

Street   Cleaning    1,130,863 

Fire    Department    195,529 

Department   of  Buildings    136,085 

Taxes  and  Assessments   42,500 

Board    of   Education 1,297,105 

Commissioners  of  Accounts   27,500 

Sheriff's  office   12,050 

Armories  and  Drill   Rooms    39,689 

Salaries  of  Judges    320,070 

Miscellaneous  account    397,098 

And  yet  the  cry  continued  that  extravagance,  fraud  and  corruption  marked 
Tammany  control! 


1*3 


CHAPTER    LX. 
SOME  EMBARRASING  RESULTS  OF  CONSOLIDATION. 


4  II  E  complication  of  the  finances  continued  for 
f     mainly  over  the  question  whether  county  debts 
charged  to  the  consolidated  city,  and,  also,  whei 


triplication  of  the  finances  continued  for  BeveraJ  mentha 

ts  could  be  justly 
whether  public  work 
contracted  for,  but  not  accomplished,  in  some  rases  not  even 
commenced,  could  propcrb  be  reckoned  as  part  of  the  city 
debt.  The  various  legal  opinions  uttered  upon  the  question 
whether  New  York  had  exceeded  its  "debt  limit"  was  not  finally  cleared  up,  so  as 
to  give  the  new  administration  full  liberty  of  action,  until  July,  1899,  when  it  was 
clearly  demonstrated  that  the  city  was  well  within  its  legal  right  to  issue  new 
bonds,  and  take  up  the  needed  work  of  improvements;  since  when,  every  depart- 
ment has  been  pushed  to  its  utmost  capacity. 

\'ew  York  city  is  constantly  handicapped  by  the  irritating  and  unjustifiable 
interference  of  the  State  Legislature.  The  narrow-minded,  who  appear  at  present 
to  be  in  the  majority,  never  seem  happy  unless  they  are  devising  some  plan  to 
interfere  with  Home  Rule  in  the  metropolis — as  if  the  residents  of  a*ny  location 
were  not  better  fitted  to  judge  of  their  own  needs  than  non-residents  can  possibly 
be.  If  this  sort  of  spirit  continues  to  actuate  the  State  government,  the  question 
may  very  possibly  develop  as  to  dividing  the  State,  so  as  to  give  to  the  largest  city 
in  the  United  States  real  Home  Rule,  of  which  it  is  now  deprived  by  the  constant 
interference  of  the  Legislature,  whose  action,  instead  of  striving  to  benefit  the 
metropolis,  is  ever  directed  to  curtailing  its  liberties,  and  making  it  subordinate  to 
outside  influence— certainly  not  superior  in  intelligence,  or  any  other  good  qual- 
ity, to  the  sound  Democracy  of  the  Empire  City  of  the  whole  country. 


1 84 


CHAPTER  LXI. 

EFFORTS  TO  DESTROY  THE  SOCIETY. 

T  various  times  in  the  life  of  this  Society,  numerous  efforts  were 
made  to  destroy  its  existence,  as  well  as  to  impair  its  usefulness. 
It  being  a  very  strong  and  powerful  Democratic  organization, 
based,  as  is  now  understood  from  the  preceding  pages  on  the 
Rock  of  Liberty,  it  became  quite  important  for  its  opponents 
to  try  to  weaken  its  power,  and  in  so  doing  they  have  ever  freely 
used  the  unworthy  weapons  of  vituperation  and  slander,  against  its  representa- 
tives as  well  as  against  the  Society  itself. 

In  fact,  the  opponents  of  the  political  faith  represented  by  the  Tammany 
organization  seem  to  have  made  a  special  point  of  trying  to  destroy  by  defama- 
tion of  character  both  individuals  as  well  as  the  general  good  name  of  the  Society, 
believing  that  that  was  the  best  policy  to  destroy  the  effectiveness  of  its  organi- 
zation. 

In  1876,  an  extraordinary  effort  was  made  to  abolish  the  Tammany  Society, 
not  openly,  but  under  cover  of  a  bill  introduced  in  the  State  Senate  by  Senator 
Wooden,  a  Republican.  This  bill,  as  was  generally  believed  and  asserted  at  the 
time,  was  projected  and  actually  drawn  by  Dorman  B.  Eaton,  a  Republican 
reformer  in  the  City  of  New  York,  who  appeared  before  the  Judiciary  Committee 
in  its  support.  It  was  entitled,  "  An  Act  to  prevent  the  abuse  of  corporate  fran- 
chise and  special  privileges  conferred  by  law  through  their  use  for  corrupt  and 
partisan  purposes." 

The  members  of  the  Legislature  saw  the  dangerous  power  contained  in  the 
bill,  and  also  perceived,  as  the  New  York  Tribune  expressed  it,  that  "  such  a 
sweeping  measure  might  hit  where  it  was  not  intended." 

The  unceasing  political  feud,  always  existing  in  the  State  of  New  York,  how- 
ever, incited  several  efforts  to  control  and  divert  the  purposes  of  the  Society,  one, 
particularly  strong,  being  in  1879,  a^ter  *he  bolting  of  the  Tammany  delegates  to 
the  State  Convention  and  the  nomination  of  John  Kelly  for  Governor.  The 
County  Democracy,  organized  under  Abram  Hewitt.  Edward  Cooper  and  others, 
made  a  fight  at  the  polls  of  the  Tammany  Society  at  its  regular  meeting  that  year, 
and  were  defeated  by  a  large  majority.  The  Board  of  Sachems  favored  by  Mr. 
Kelly  was  elected,  and  his  influence  and  power  continued  in  the  Tammany 
organization. 

Then,  and  now,  the  policy  of  all  its  opponents  has  been,  as  is  well  known,  to 
villify  and  traduce  the  Society,  while  year  after  year,  the  confidence  of  the  people 
is  attested  in  its  beneficence  and  usefulness,  by  the  increased  majorities  at  the 
polls. 


■«5 


(   II  MTHK     1.X1I. 


GRAND  SACHEMS.     FROM    17H!)  TO   L899. 


1781) — 90. 
1790—91. 
1791—92. 
1792—93- 
1793—94- 
1794—95- 
1795—96. 
1796—97. 

1808. 

1811. 


1819. 
1820. 


(Major  Twenty-seventh  Regiment  United 


William  Mooney, 
William  Pitt  Smi  i  h. 
josiah  c  )gden  i  loffman 
John  R.  B.  Rogers. 
William  Pitt  Smith. 
J. mix  1. 11  n  1 
Peter  R.  Livingston. 

Nicholas  EvERTSON. 
Benjamin  Romain. 
Clarkson  Crolius. 
States  Infantry.) 
i8n.    William  Mooney. 
Clarkson  Crolius. 

Walter  Bowne  (Mayor  of  New  York  1 
Geokge  Seaman    . 
Samuel  T>.  Romaink. 
Matthew  L.  Davis. 
Samuel  Hawkens. 
Shivers  Parker. 

M.  M.  Noah  (Editor  National  Advocah  1 
Robert  B.  Boyd. 
William  McMukray. 
William  J.  Waldron. 
George  G.  Warner. 
Samuel  Hopkins. 
James  Conner. 
Daniel  E.  Delevan 
Elijah  F.  Purdy 
Daxiel  E.  Delevan 
Elijah  F.  Purdy. 
Lorenzo  D.  Shepard 
Daniel  E.  Delevan 
Isaac  V.  Fowler. 
James  Conner. 
William  D.  Kennedy. 
Nelson  J.  Waterbury. 
Elijah  F.  Purdy. 

John  T.  Hoffman  (Governor  of  New  York) 
William  M.  Tweed. 
Augustus  Schell. 
Charles  H.  Haswell. 


1844—45. 
1845—46. 
1846—51. 
1851—54. 
I854—55- 
1855-56. 
1856—58. 
1858—60. 
1860—61. 
1861—62. 
1862—63. 
1863—66. 
1866—68. 
1868—71. 
1871—74. 
1884—85. 


*  Records  lost. 


1885—87 
1887—89 
1889—91 
1891—93 

'895 
896 

897 
898. 
899 
900 


i86 

P.  Henry  Dugro  (Justice  Supreme  Court) 

James  A.  Flack. 

Abram  D.  Tappan. 

Thomas  F.  Gilroy. 

Frederick  Smyth  (Justice  Supreme  Court). 

Frederick  Smyth  (Justice  Supreme  Court). 

Thomas  L.  Feitner. 

Thomas  L.  Feitner. 

Thomas  L.  Feitner. 

Thomas  L.  Feitner. 


*  Date  of  term  of  office  uncertain,  records  being  lost;  as  also  terms  of  office  between 
1797  and  1808. 

Dates  of  terms  of  office  for  certain  periods  uncertain  as  many  records  were  lost  between 
1808  and  1844.    Also  in  the  Are  at  the  Wigrwam  on  Fourteenth  street. 


,K7 


CHAPTER   i.xili 

CHAIRMEN  OP  THE  GENERAL  COMMITTEE    OF    TAMMANY     HALL 
(The  Political  Organization,)  From  1872  to  1900. 

1872 — 76.  Augustus  Schell. 

1S77 — 80.  Henry  L.  Clinton. 

1880.  Henry  D.  Purroy. 

1881.  Augustus  Schell. 

1882.  John  G.  Boyd. 

1883.  William  Sauer. 

1884.  Sidney  P.  Nichols. 
1885—86.  Abram  D.  Tappan. 

1887 — 90.  John  Cochrane  (Brig.-Gen.  U.  S.  Vols.,  1860-61) 

1891 — 92.  Nelson  Smith. 

1893 — 94.  Nelson  Smith. 

1895 — 99.  Augustus  Peters. 

1899 —  George  M.  Van  Hoesen. 

1900 —  George  M.  Van  Hoesen 


1 88 

CHAPTER  LXIV . 

OFFICERS 

of  the 

SOCIETY  OF  TAMMANY 

or 

COLUMBIAN  ORDER  FOR  1901. 


John  Whalen, 
John  F.  Carroll, 
Daniel  F.  McMahon, 
John  W.  Keller, 
John  J.  Scannell, 
Charles  F.  Murphy, 


Grand  Sachem, 
Thomas  L.  Feitner. 


Sachems, 


Thomas  J.  Dunn. 

Secretary, 
Thomas  F.  Smith. 

Treasurer, 
Peter  F.  Meyer. 

Sagamore, 
John  T.  Nagk 

Wiskinkie, 
John  A.  Boyle. 


Randolph  Guggenheimer, 
Maurice  Featherson, 
Asa  Bird  Gardiner, 
George  W.  Plunkitt, 
George  C.  Clausen, 
John  Fox, 


THOMAS  L.  FEITNER, 
Grand  Sachem. 


192 


JOHN  J.  SCANNELL. 
Sachem. 


CHARLES    F.    -MURPHY. 
Sachem. 


104 


GEORGE  C.  CLAUSEN, 
s  ichem. 


195 


RANDOLPH   GUGGENHEIMER, 
Sachem. 


196 


ASA  BIRD  GARDINER, 

Sachem. 


">7 


THOMAS  J.   DUNN, 

Sachem. 


ig8 


,K  iii.\   F.  CARROLL, 
Sachem. 


JOHN   WHALEX, 
Sachem. 


JOHN  W.   KELLER, 
Sachem. 


MAURICE   FEATHERSON, 
Sachem. 


GEORGE  W.   PLUNKITT, 
Sachem. 


-'■  »3 


JOHN  FOX, 
Sachem. 


204 


PETER  F.  MEYER, 
Treasurer. 


2<  '5 


JOHN  T.  NAGLE, 
Sagamore. 


206 


T1H  i.MAS    F.   SMITH. 

Secretary. 


207 


JOHN  A.  BOYLE, 
Wiskinkie. 


NEW  YORK  DEMOCRATS 


AND  MEMBERS  OF  THE 


TAMMANY  SOCIETY. 


-T>      f. 


'W-^^ 


^ 


R(  IBERT  A.   U\X   WTCK. 


JOHN   B.   SEX 


PATRICK    KBENAN. 


213 


John  mcQtjade. 


214 


Al'i    I'STl'S    T.     IinCHART 


21 S 


VERNON  M.   DAVIS.  GEORGE    M.    VAN    HoESEN 


WILLIAM    T.    JENKINS,    M.D.  JOHN  B.   COSBY.  M.D. 


2l6 


GEORGE   P.    ANDREWS. 


WILLIAM    DAI/TON. 


GEORGE    F.    SCANNELL. 


BERNARD  F.    MARTIN. 


LAWRENCE    DEL.MOUR. 


DAVID   McADAM. 


219 


HENRY   W.   BOOKS')  AVE 


CHARLES    !l     TRTJ 


DAVID    LEVENTR] 


JAMES    A.    O'GORMAN. 


MAURICE   UNTERMYER. 


OLIVER    H.   P.    lil'LMnXT  WILLIAM    ASTOR   CHANLER. 


ELBRIDGE  T.  GERRY. 


LEWIS   NIXON. 


WAKLKY    1'I.ATZKK. 


123 


f 


FRANCIS   .1.    LANTRY 


.K  "UN    T.    I  IAKLEY 


PATRICK    J.    SCULLY.  NICHOLAS   J.    HAYES. 


224 


JOHN    J.    FREKDMAN 


JOHN  F.   McINTYRE. 


-'-'5 


U  IUIS  F.   HAFFEN. 


UJi  IUST    Mi  i-EBUS. 


THi  'MAS    F.    l»i  iXXEl.LY. 


JOHN    B.    McKEAN. 


226 


NATHAN   STRA1 


2-7 


WILLIAM      F.     CliKLL 


ISAAC      KIIOMMK. 


MICHAEL    T.    DALY. 


THOMAS    S.    BRENNAN. 


228 


W.  J.   K.    KENNET. 


MATI1KW    F.    IHIN'HIU'E. 


JOHN   .1.    RYAN. 


JAMES   J.    PHELAN. 


PATRICK    KEAHON. 


230 


LOUIS  J.   CONLAN. 


JAMES  M.  FITZSIMONS. 


joiin  iikxkv  McCarthy. 


Ji  IHN    P.   SCHUCHMAN. 


-M' 


P.  HENRY  DUGRO. 


232 


CHARLES  H.   KNOX. 


233 


WILLIAM    WARNER    PENFIELD.  BENJAMIN    HUFFMAN. 


JOHN    M.    TIERNET. 


HERMANN    F.OLTE. 


234 


FRANCIS   M.   SCOTT. 


235 


CHARLES    E.    SIMMS.    JR. 


HENUY     A.     BKANN. 


HERMAN  JOSEPH. 


WILLIAM    F.    M<  mike. 


236 


WILLIAM  GILI5KKT   LAV  IKS 


«37 


JAMES  J.  MARTIN. 


CORD   MEYER. 


EDWARD    OWEN. 


JOHN  0.  HERTL.E. 


238 


STEWART  M.    BRICE. 


BART(  »W   S.    WEEK! 


JAMES   L.   GORDi  »N. 


GE<  >RGE   G.    BATTLE. 


240 


ANDREW    FIIEKD.MAX 


-•I  I 


MARTIN    DNGEL. 


.MAS   C.    T.    CRAIN. 


PATKIOK   DIVVElt. 


DAVID    E     AUSTEN. 


M  1  LES    M     O'BR]  E 


ALBERT  M.  CAR] 


.M'UAN     l>      KATIK'HIU) 


SMITH    K.    I,.\XK 


JOHN    X.    LEW 


244 


THOMAS    J.    BRAD'S 


WILLIS    HOLLY 


245 


WIM.IAM    J      FRYER. 


THOMAS    I.     WATT. 


MILTON    ROBLEE. 


WILLIAM  C.  TOWEN. 


EDWARD  E    McCAI 


JACOB  RUPPERT,  JR. 


-17 


WILLIAM     E.    STILLINGS 


JAMIOS    I).    M.iM.|.;i,|,.\Xl) 


JOHN  A.  SULLIVAN. 


THEODORE  W.  MYERS. 


248 


WII.I.IA.M     11       i;i'\V 


•I" 


CHARLES  P.   WEJL.DE. 


J(  is  I :  I  ■!  i    11.  STEINER. 


HENRY    D.    IliiTi'llKI 


VICTOR    J.    DOWLING. 


250 


TMi. i.MAS   F.    GRADY. 


~\S' 


ANTONIO  ZUCCA. 


WILLIAM   A.   BUTLER. 


THADDBUS   MORIARTT.  LEO   C.    DESSAR. 


252 


JAMES   I).    BELL,. 


253 


CKouc.io    hill. 


.lollX    II     Mot  iXKV. 


MAURICE  J.    POWER 


GEORGE   L.   STERLING. 


>54 


WILLIAM    SULZER. 


'55 


r.Ki  >k<;k   MVINGSTi  >N. 


CLINT(  -N    II.  SMITH. 


JOHN  T.    BRADY. 


FLORENCE    J.    SULLIVAN. 


256 


WILLIAM    SOHMER. 


>7 


VINt'KNT  C.    KINO. 


DELANI  I   C     CALVIN. 


WIT,"LIAM   M.   HOES. 


A.  O.  MCCAL.L. 


258 


AMOS  J.   (T.M  MIXCS. 


259 


GEORGE  F.   SPINNEY.  WILLIAM    J.    FANNING. 


WILLIAM    P.    MITCHELL.  WILLIAM    T.    EMMKTT. 


260 


BIRD  S.   COLER. 


26l 


CHARLES    BL.ANDT. 


.1    iSEPH    P.    KALI.'  IN. 


EDWARD  GILON. 


CHARLES  G.  F.  WAHL.E. 


262 


JOHN  Q.  UNDERH]  I.:. 


263 


FRANKLIN    BIEN. 


CHARLES   W.    DAYT(  iN. 


JAMES    W.    OSBORNE 


GEORGE  MUNDORF. 


264 


FRANK  T.  FITZGERALD. 


•".. 


MAURICE   B.    BLDMENTHAL  ADOLPH    C.    HOTTENROTH 


HENRY   A.   GUMBLETON.  MYRON   H.   OPPEXHEIM. 


266 


ISAAC    A.     H<  IPPER. 


■•■;■ 


HENKY  W.  UNGIOR. 


JAC<  »B  E.  BAUSCH. 


TKniiNTuX    X.    MOTLEY. 


HANS  S.   BEATTIE. 


268 


JOHN  H    V.  ARNOLD. 


269 


C,K<  HtC.E   i:i-     FIARDINO 


GEORGE    M.    CURTIS. 


ALBERT   E.  CKABTREE 


JAMES    W.    BOYLE. 


NELSON    SMITH. 


71 


DANIEL    P.    II A  VS. 


AN 'I  ONIO    RASINES. 


i;kh|;i;k  h.  Tool'. 


JOHN  B.  DOERR. 


HOLLIX  M.  MORGAN 


THOMAS    McADAM. 


WELLESLE1    W.   GAG] 


WALTKK    S.    LMi'i.W. 


THOMAS    P.    DINNEAN. 


274 


EDWAltl'    SI  I  i:i:i  IV 


WILLIAM    A.    SWKKTSKK 


WILLIAM    P.    BURR 


\  I '.!•:].  CROOK 


JOHN   E.    BROPSKV. 


276 


WILLIAM     R.    CLACK. 


-77 


FREDERICK    HABERMAN 


< : i-:<  u:«;  f.  f.  i:<  ikscii. 


PHILIP  J.  BRITT. 


THi  '.MAS    F.    BYRNE. 


ALBERT  BACH. 


CHARLES  D,  OHLENDO  IF 


279 


CHARLES   A.  JACKS!  IN. 


iikxi:  v   m.  g<  'i.i  iF<  "M.i-: 


DANIEL  J.    RIOR]  »AN. 


RICH  \i:'>   H.   MITCHEL. 


280 


,r<  >nx  McCartney 


WILLIAM    .1.    LAKMNEK. 


28 1 


CHARLES   L.   GUY 


WILLIAM    11.    PAGE,  .1  I: 


OTTO   HORWITZ. 


ALPHONSE   H.   ALKEK. 


282 


LOUIS    DAVIDSON. 


Tl  1 1  UIAS    J.    BRADLEY. 


JAMES   KEARNEY. 


STEPHEN  S.  BLAKE. 


283 


LOUIS    MA  XX  KM  AN. 


KASTI'S   S.    KAXSi  »JI. 


BRYAN  L.    KENNELLY, 


GEORGE  FAHRBACH. 


284 


RICHARD   FIT/ PAT  KICK. 


LAWRKN'CK   \V.    AHKFXS. 


CHARLES  J.   IIAIMiV. 


AP.KAIIA.M    M.    FKOMISFKC. 


28s 


EDWARD   KEARNEY. 


286 


C.   E.   LYDECKBR. 


EDWARD  HASSETT. 


SIDNEY     HAKIMS 


TEKKY   SMITH. 


••s- 


WILLIAM    I..  TURNER 


Sfl  ERIDAN   S.   N<  IRTi  IN 


THEODORE    F.    HASCALL. 


LOUIS   C.    RAEGENER. 


288 


EDWARD    B.    LaFETRA. 


Al'STIX   Iv  PUKSSIXdKK. 


LOUIS  MINSKT. 


LKOX    SAXDKUt 


•SWALD  <  lTTEND<  >RFER 


2QO 


ANDREW    H.   GREEN. 


29 1 


E.   ELLEKY  AXDKKSnX, 


292 


JOHN  J.  QUINN. 


C.   M.    BEATTIE. 


.ii  iHN    M  ENRY    ROGAN. 


.JOHN    ll.    PA' 


BIOGRAPHIES 


OF 


NEW  YORK  DEMOCRATS 


AND  MEMBERS  OF  THE 


TAMMANY  SOCIETY. 


294 


Ahrens,  L.  W.— Was  born  in  this  city  and  received  his  early  education  in  the  public 
schools.  He  is  a  Mason,  a  prominent  member  of  the  Royal  Arcanum,  and  a  veteran  of  the 
Seventy-first  Regiment,  New  York  State  Volunteers.  He  is  a  member  of  the  Democratic 
Club,  the  Pontiac,  Nameoki  and  West  End  Clubs,  and  is  a  member  of  the  Tammany  Hall 
General  Committee  of  the  Twenty-first  Assembly  District.  He  has  been  a  staunch  Demo- 
crat all  his  life,  and  has  always  been  prominent  in  the  councils  of  his  party. 


Alkee,  Alpho.nse  Henry — Lawyer,  born  in  New  York,  October  8th.  1851.  He  is  a  mem- 
ber  of  the  Tammany  Society  and  has  been  a  member  of  Tammany  Hall  since  1ST:;,  serving 
on  various  committees  during-  that  time.  He  is  at  present  a  resident  of  the  Twenty-sev_ 
enth  Assembly  District,  where  he  has  many  friends. 


Anderson,  E.  Ellert — Lawyer,  born  in  New  York  City  in  1833;  has  been  a  prominent 
figure  in  Democratic  politics  since  attaining  his  majority.  Has  never  held  public  office, 
but  has  accepted  a  number  of  public  trusts,  such  as  School  Trustee,  Rapid  Transit  Com- 
missioner, and  Commissioner  in  reference  to  acquiring  lands  both  for  the  Croton  Aqueduct 
and  elevated  railway.  Appointed  by  President  Cleveland,  in  1887,  a  commissioner  to  inves- 
tigate the  affairs  of  the  Union  Pacific  and  Central  Pacific  Railway  Companies.  Served  as 
Major  in  New  York  State  Militia  during  Civil  War. 


Andrews,  George  P. — Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  born  in  Maine.  Alter  being 
graduated  from  Yale  College,  came  to  New  York,  in  1859,  and  was  admitted  to  the  New 
York  Bar  in  1860.  He  has  held  the  offices  of  Assistant  United  States  District  Attorney  of 
the  Southern  District  of  New  York,  Assistant  Corporation  Counsel,  and,  later,  Corporation 
Counsel  of  the  City  of  New  York.  In  1883  he  was  elected  to  the  Supreme  Court  Bench  and 
re-elected  in  1898.  Judge  Andrews  is  a  strong  and  loyal  Democrat,  and  has  taken  an  active 
interest  in  the  affairs  of  his  party. 


Arnold,  John  Harvey  Vincent — Lawyer,  ex-Surrogate,  literateur  and  art  collector, 
born  in  New  York  July  23,  1839.  He  was  educated  at  public  and  private  schools, 
and  took  a  classical  course  at  the  University  of  the  City  of  New  York.  In  1889  Mr.  Arnold 
was  appointed  by  the  Board  of  Aldermen  to  be  President  of  that  body,  to  fill  the  vacancy 
caused  by  the  di  ath  of  George  H.  Forster.  In  the  fall  of  the  same  year  he  was  nominated 
for  the  same  office  and  elected  to  serve  until  1890,  and  he  was  then  again  elected  for  a  two 
years'  term.  For  a  year  he  returned  to  his  law  practice,  and  then  he  was.  in  1S93, 
nominated  and  elected  Surrogate  for  the  term  of  fourteen  years,  but  he  resigned  in  Feb- 
ruary, 1899.     Mr.  Arnold  was  one  of  the  Sachems  of  the  Tammany  Society.     Died  1901. 


Austin,  Col.  David  E.— This  distinguished  officer  and  thorough  Democratic  politician 
was  born  in  New  York,  at  the  house  of  his  grandfather  on  Bowling  Green.  He  has  filled 
many  important  offices  and  his  military  record  forms  a  part  of  the  history  of  the  State. 
He  is  a  member  of  the  Tammany  General  Committee,  of  the  1  lemocratic  Club,  and  the  Re- 
gatta Committee  and  a  veteran  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic. 


Bach,  Albert  Assistant  Corporation  Counsel  of  the  City  of  New  York,  born  in  this 
city  in  1S54;  has  been  active  in  Tammany  circles  Cor  many  years  and  is  very  prominent 
also  as  a  lawyer  and  author;  member  of  Democratic  Club,  Continental  Whist  Club,  Royal 
Arcanum  and  the  Order  of  the  American  Legion  of  Honor. 


B  ITT1  B,    Q]  ORG!      '  lOHDON       BO]  n     in     Noi  Hi     '  !ai a,     OctOb 

from  the  Qniversitj   oi   Virginia  In  1889,  wltl legrei    oi   Ma   tei   oi    \<<       Studl 

at  the  Universltj   oi    Virginia   undei    Prol    John   B    Minor,  and  al  Columbia  Collegi     under 

Proi    Thi  odore  W    Dwlght      Began  prai  I I  la  in    li    Ni  w    5  ork  I  lit)    li 

••pi iti  i    \     Istant  District    Utoi  ,i,  j    i,>    thi    then    District    am,,,  ney,    i  «•    Lai 

in  1894  was  plai  ed  In  charge  of  thi    Bui    au  ol   tndictmenl     bj   thi    lati   Col    John  R    i 
Shortly  after  the  death  of  Col.  Felloe  I    i        Crorn    the    office    and    entered    Inl 

general  practlci    with   Bartow   S    u    el       al    Iroadway,  undei    Lhe  firm  nami    ol 

&    Battle,    The  firm  name  was  subsequently   changed  to  Week!     Battli    &    Mai    hall    Mi     li 
Snowden  Marshall  becoming  a  partner,     is  a  membei  ol   th  itlon    thi    Southern 

Society,  the  Calumet,  Military  and  Seneca  Clubs,  thi    Columbian  Ord  i    and  I      mbei 

of  the  General  Committee  of  Tammany  Hall  In  the  Twenty  fifth    Vssemblj    i  >.   tricl 


Bausch,  Jacob  E     Coroner  Bausch  was  born  In  the  Citj  of  New   fork  am 

education  In  Grammar  School  No.  22.     [mmedlatelj  after  leaving  -,  b be  ■  nti  n  d  Into  the 

employ  of  Palmer  &  Emburj  .is  an  apprentii  e,  and  learn*  d  the  trade  of  « I  cai  : 

has  represented  the  Wood  Carvers'  Ass,,,  iatlon  as  business  ageni  and  walking  delegate  toi 
many  years.     He  was  elected  Coroner  in  1897  b3   a  very  large  majoritj   over  his  opponent. 

Mi     Bausch  is  a  member  of  the  George  Washington  Benevolent  s ■<  j .  thi    Centi  il  Laboi 

Union,  Building  Trade  Sei  tion,  Queer  Fellows'    Association  and  Compai  i  Social   L 


r.i  lch,   Miles    Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  son  of  the    late    Hon.    William     \ 
Beach,   was  born  in   is:::;.     Educated    at    Union    College    appointed  Judge    ol    the    Court   of 
Common  Pleas  In   1ST!),  and  elected   In    1880,   and  again  eleci   d    in    1893    and    transfer! 
1894,  through  the  consolidation  of  the  courts,  to  the  Supreme  Court. 


Bi  \.ttie,  Charles  Maitland.    Charles  Maitland   Beattie  was  born  In   New    fork  City 
in  185S,  where  he  received  his  education  in  the  College  of  the  Citj   of  New    JTork      Hi    -  hos 
a  professional  career,  studied  law  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1882,  where  hi 
practiced.     His  present  office  is  at  Uli  Nassau  street.     Mr.   Beattie  is    i  memb  ■''  Of  th      D 

cratic  Club,  the  New    fork  Press  Club  and  the  General  Cimmitt f  Tammany   Hall   from 

the  Ninth  Assembly  District.     He  is  an  anient  Tammany   Hail  man. 


Beattie,  Hans  Stevenson  Was  horn  in  Belfast,  Ireland,  in  1849.  He  went  to  London 
at  eighteen  where  he  studied  stenography  and  the  elements  of  law.  He  came  to  New 
York  when  nineteen  and  entered  as  a  stud,  nt  at  the  New  York  University.  He  was 
admitted  to  practice  in  the  State  and  United  States  cants,  and  iii  1881  entered  the  office 
of  William  C.  Whitney,  Corporation  counsel,  and  was  afterwards  appoint,  ,1  Surveyor  of 
the  Port  by  Presidenl  Cleveland.  He  was  Commissioner  of  Street  Cleaning  under  Mayor 
Grant,  and  in  1893  was  appointed  Treasurer  of  the  Metropolitan  Street  Railway  Company  of 
New   York. 


Bell.  Isaac— "Was  horn  at  14  Greenwich  street.  New  York,  1814.  His  Bather  and  -rand- 
father  were  both  Isaac  Bells  and  were  distinguished  citizens  before  the  Revolution.  Mr. 
Bell  began  his  business  career  in  the  old  firm  of  Lentilhon  &  Co.,  in  whose  interest  he  vis- 
ited the  South  and  made  several  trips  to  Europe  where  he  met  Miss  Mott,  to  whom  he  was 
afterward  married.  In  1X44.  while  South,  he  was  made  a  member  of  the  staff  of  the  Gov- 
ernor of  Alabama,  and  in  1S48  was  elected  to  Congress  from  the  same  State.  Coming  to 
New-  York  he  joined  Tammany  Hall  and  was  elected  to  the  Board  of  Supervisors,  and.  in 
1857,  was  appointed  Commissioner  of  Charities  and  Correction.  In  '69  he  was  appointed  a 
member  of  the  Board  of  Education  in  which  his  broad  principles  were  also  conspicuous. 
He  was  mainly  Instrumental  in  founding  Bellevue  Hospital  and  in  establishing  the  system 
of  hospital  ambulances  In  New  York.  Mr.  Bell  organized  the  Riot  Relief  Fund  of  which 
he  was  custodian  until  succeeded  by  his  son  Edward,  a  few  years  ago.  During  the  Rebel- 
lion he  provided  ways  and  means  for  upholding  the  Union.  He  was  a  genial  figure  in  so- 
ciety and  a  general  favorite  with  everyone.     He  died  in  1897,  after  a  long  and  useful  life. 


296 

Bell.  James  D.— Of  the  Fifth  Assembly  District  of  the  County  of  Kings.  Brooklyn, 
was  born  in  New  York  in  1845.  He  has  held  many  leading  positions,  among  which 
may  be  named:  Supervisor  of  Nineteenth  Ward.  Brooklyn;  Chairman  of  Law 
Commission,  Commissioner  of  Police  and  Excise.  Commissioner  and  Secretary 
of  new  East  River  Bridge,  Chairman  of  Special  Committee  on  Reorganization  Democratic 
party  of  Kings,  Chairman  Democratic  General  Committee,  Chairman  Committee  on  Organi- 
zation. First  Vice-President,  Brooklyn  Bar  Association:  Chairman  Law  Library,  Brook- 
lyn; Chairman,  member  and  ex-Committee,  G.  A.  R..  Kings  County  in  1899,  for  fourth  term. 
It  will  thus  be  seen  that  Mr.  Bell  is  a  leader  in  the  many  business  and  political  organiza- 
tions of  the  greater  city. 


Belmont,  Oliver  H.  P.— Congressman  Belmont,  son  of  the  late  August  Belmont,  the 
banker,  was  born  in  the  City  of  New  York  in  1858,  attended  school  here  and  at  St.  Paul's, 
and  later  went  abroad  for  three  years  to  complete  his  studies.  Returning  to  America  he 
entered  the  Naval  Academy  at  Annapolis,  graduating  in  1889.  and  served  two  years  in  the 
Navy.  Resigning  from  the  Navy  Mr.  Belmont  became  a  member  of  the  firm  of  August 
Belmont.  In  1900  he  was  elected  a  member  of  Congress  from  the  Thirteenth  New  York 
Congressional  District.  Mr.  Belmont  is  a  member  of  the  New  York  Yacht  Club.  Democratic 
Club,  and  is  a  Mason  and  Past  Master  of  St.  John's  Lodge,  A.  F.  and  A.  M..  X".  1.  of  New- 
port, R.   I. 


Bien,  Franklin— Member  of  New  York  Bar.  was  born  in  this  city  January  23.  1853. 
Educated  in  public  schools.  Free  Academy  of  the  City  of  New  York  (now  College  of  the 
City  of  New  York).  Columbia  Law  School.  Counsel  for  many  corporations  in  the  United 
States,  and  has  acted  as  counsel  in  important  questions  connected  with  the  Democratic 
party.     Never  held  public  office. 


Birdsai.l,  George  W. — Chief  Engineer.  Department  of  Water  Supply.  Born  in  New 
York  in  1836;  appointed  Assistant  Engineer  Department  Public  Works  in  1871;  First 
Assistant.  1875;  made  Chief  Engineer  in  1879;  holding  same  until  1898,  when  appointed  to 
present  position. 


Blake,  Michael  F.— Michael  F.  Blake.  Clerk  of  the  Board  of  Aldermen,  was  barn  in 
the  Eighteenth  Ward,  City  of  New  York.  August  1,  1S57.  He  was  educated  in  the  public 
schools  and  the  Columbia  College  Law  School.  Mr.  Blake  studied  law  in  the  office  of  Ex- 
Supreme  Court  Justice  Abraham  B.  Taippen  and  Henry  Parsons.  He  subsequently  em- 
barked in  journalism  and  was  for  many  years  a  writer  on  the  New  York  Herald,  in  L889  lie 
1  esigm  'I  from  the  //<  raid  to  accept  the  position  of  Deputy  Clerk  to  the  Board  of  .\  'dermen, 
where  he  seived  for  some  years  under  Captain  Franc's  J.  Twomey.  When  Captain  Twomey 
retired  on  account  of  age,  Mr.  Blake  was  unanimously  elected  clerk  to  the  Common  Council 
which  position  he  held  for  many  years.  In  1898  Mr.  Blake  was  reappointed  to  the  position 
of  clerk  to  the  Board  of  Aldeimen,  which  place  he  now  holds.  He  is  vice-chairman  of  the 
General  Committee  of  Tammany  Hall  of  the  Eighteenth  Assembly  District  and  chairman 
of  the  Law  Committee  of  that  District.  He  is  a  member  of  the  Democratic.  Press  and 
Anawanda   Clubs. 


i;i.w  i :,  Stephen  S  Assistant  District  Attorney.  Born  in  Ireland  in  1843;  came  to  the 
United  States  when  eight  years  of  age.  He  entered  Niagara  College,  from  which  he  was 
graduated  in  L865,  subsequently  pursuing  a  two-years'  course  of  higher  studies  at  the  Col- 
lege of  Montreal.  Was  elected  City  Clerk  of  the  City  of  Bridgeport,  Conn.,  and  served  for 
three  years  on  the  Hoard  of  Aldermi  n  of  that  city;  was  Town  Attorney,  also  Prosecuting 
Attorney  of  the  City  of  Bridgeport.     He  was  Judge  of  the   City   Court   of    Bridgeport,   by 

appointment    of    the    Legislature,    for    four    terms,     in  1880  he  was  the  candidat '  the 

D,  mocratic  partj    Cor  Secretary  of  State.     In  1883   Mr.   Blake  removed  to  this  city  and  was 
a   membei   oi   the  Constitutional  Convention  of  L894  and  of  the  Legislature  of  L895. 


297 

Blandy,  I'm  mm  i         \     istant  <  '•■>  po i  i  lour  el  CI 

In  1848     He  was  edui  ated  In  the  publli     i nd  thi    u 

i  ,.\  ed  i"  New    SToYk  and  In  LSBI  enti  red  upon  tin 

i  n  L872  he  ^\ .  ■  -•  admitted  to  the  bai  at  General  T and  al  on 

in  1882  William  C.  Whitney,  then  Corporation  Counsel,  Invited  Mi     B 

tanta  to  try  Ju  ind  held  II   dui  ing  al    ol    Mr 

Whitnej  's  term  .is  well  aa  i  hal  of  his  suci  P.  Ai 

L890  Wllllani  'I    Clai  u  became  Corpoi  it  Ion  i  loun        and  madi     ili     I 

to  trj   the  mosl  Important  cases.    John  Whalen,  Corj i    i  ne  of  hie 

assistants  on  Januarj   I,  1898, 

r.i  i  \ii:\tm  m ..  Mai  rice  B,     Former  a     . 
1870,  and  long  befoi  e  he  reai  hed  in-  majoi 

became,    a  -    he    has    evei       inci      been        n    ardenl     Democrat       H  In  thi 

Unlversltj     of    the    Cltj     of    New     STork.       Hi      placed     In     nomination     In     thi      various 
conventions    Judge     Leonard      \      Glegerlch     and     Frederick     Smyth     ol     thi 
Court,  and  Judge  Schuchman  ol   the  Cltj   Court      He  wa     named  a 
upon  the  Democratic  ticket  of  1856.     it"  is  a  mem>bei  od  the  Tarn  man  j    Hall  Comn 

Organization,  Tammanij  S ity,  Progress  Club,  the  Home  So<  lal  Club,  thi 

the  Jefferson  Club  ol  the  Sixteenth    ^.ssemblj    District,  the  SToung   M    i       D   m   cratlc  Club, 

Hi,-  Eleventh  Ward  League,  the  Comanche  Leg-ion,  thi    SToung   M    n      H     n        \ 

the  Greater  New    STork  Democrats     WUiiance,  the  Jacksonian 

Club,  Post  Graduate's  Grammar  School  No.  15,  the   Daniel   Webster  Lodge,  and  a  number 

of  other  social  and  fraternal  organizations.     Resigned  from   District    Utornej      office  earlj 


Bolte,  Hermann  Justice  of  the  Second  Districl  Court,  is  a  graduate  ol  Columbia  Law 
School,  class  1874;  afterwards  attended  CJniversitj  al  Heidelb  rg  Germany,  to  studj  civil 
law.  in  1893  he  was  elected  Justice  ol  the  Second  Districl  Court,  n  is  worths  to  note  thai 
out  of  a  registration  of  over  12,800  votes,  he  received  majoi  I  ol        namely 

10,975,  ever  cast  in  the  District,  and  on  his  n    election,  1899,  received  ovei      i  pei    cent 
entire  vote  cist  in  his  Judicial  District.    Judge  Bolte  has  always  taki  n  a  vi  rj   di  i  p  interest 
in  the  public  schools  in  this  city  and   in  educational   matters  generally.     Through   hi 
endeavors  the  new  schoolhouse,  Grammar  School  No.  l.  Henry  and  Oliver  streets,  has  been 
erected,    while  acting  as  Chairman   of  the    Board   of  Trustees   of   the    Fourth    Ward 
January  1.  1891,  until  July  1,  1896. 

B staver,    Henry   W.— "Was   born   in   is:::,.     He   received   his   early   edu    it] 

academy  In  Orange  County,  New  Fork,  and  prepared  himself  for  Rutgers  College,  from 
which  he  graduated  with  hi^h  honors.  He  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1S61,  and  later  be- 
came  a  member  of  the  law  firm  of  Brown,  Hull  &  Vanderpoei.  Among  the  <>: 
he  has  filled  previous  to  his  election  to  the  bench  of  the  Supreme  Court  are  Sheriff's  At- 
torney, counsel  to  the  Police  Board,  and  counsel  to  the  Commissioner  of  Charities  and  Cor- 
rections. Ex-Judge  Bookstaver  is  one  of  New  fork's  most  eminent  lawyers,  with  a  large 
clientele  and  practice,  with  offices  at  256  Broadway. 

Boi  ker,  DeWitt  Clinton,  Jr.— Prominent  among  the  contractors  ot  Gn  iter  New  Yak 
is  D.  C.  Bouker  Jr.,  who  was  born  in  Greenville,  Hudson  County.  X.  J.,  in  1865.  S 
after  he  was  born  his  parents  removed  to  Far  Rockaway,  Queens  County,  L.  [.,  since 
which  time  Mr.  Bouker  has  been  a  resident  of  New  York  and  closely  identified  with  the 
business  and  political  affairs  of  the  metropolis;  in  fact  Mr.  Bouker  is  a  typical  New 
Yorker  and  a  l  >emocrat. 


Boyle,  James  W. — Was  born  In  New  York  on  May  11.  1845.  He  was  uppointed  a  Com- 
missioner of  Appraisement  and  Assessment  for  lands  taken  Cor  the  new  aqueducl  in  1892. 
Mr.  Boyle  is  a  member  of  the  Manhattan.  Democratic  and  New  York  Athletic  Clubs,  and 
is  also  Chairman  of  the  Tammany  Hall  General  Committee  of  the  Seventh  Assembly  Dis- 
trict. He  has  been  a  member  of  the  Tammany  organization  ever  sine.-  he  took  an 
in  politics.     He  was  appointed  a  Commissioner  of  the  new    E3as1    Rivej    Bridge  in  1898. 


Boyle,  John  Ambrose.— Was  born  in  the  City  of  New  York  in  1S46;  educated  in  the 
public  schools  of  this  city.  He  went  to  the  war  as  a  drummer  boy  with  the  Sixty-ninth 
Regiment  and  was  a  veteran  at  the  age  of  seventeen.  Mr.  Boyle  has  been  employed  in  the 
Register's  office  for  the  last  twenty  years,  having  advanced  himself  to  the  position  of  Chief 
Searcher  and  Examiner.  He  has  also  been  the  Financial  Secretary  of  the  old  Eightenth, 
now  the  Twentieth  Assembly  District.  Tammany  Hall  General  Committee,  for  twenty-five 
years.     Mr.  Boyle  was  elected  Wiskinkie  of  the  Tammany  Society  in  1898. 

Brady,  John  T.— One  of  the  foremost  builders  and  contractors  of  the  City  of  New  York 
is  John  T.  Brady,  who  was  born  in  Ireland  in  1849.  Beginning  without  a  dollar  capital,  he 
is  now  at  the  head,  and  hundreds  of  the  finest  structures  in  the  city  attest  his  capabilities. 
Among  these  are  the  residences  of  E.  W.  Bliss,  Nathan  Strauss,  Mrs.  Kohn,  and  the  public 
buildings,  such  as  the  new  Surrogate's  Court.  Thirteenth  Judicial  District  Court  and 
Grant's  tomb,  on  Riverside  Drive. 


Brady,  Thomas  J.— Former  President  Department  of  Buildings,  was  born  in  this  city 
in  1854.  Became  Inspector  of  the  Fire  Department  in  1S84;  First  Department  of  the  Bu- 
reau of  Inspection  of  Buildings  in  the  Fire  Department  in  1887;  Superintendent  of  Build- 
ings in  1889;  appointed  President  Department  of  Buildings  in  1898;  resigned  April,  1901. 


Bradley,  Thomas  J. — Mi  mber  of  Congress  from  the  Ninth  Congressional  District,  was 
born  in  this  city  in  lsTn.  Hi  atti  ml.  d  the  public  schools  and  was  graduated  from  the  City 
College  in  1887.  He  taught  school  at  Lenox  avenue  and  134th  street,  and  in  128th  street 
between  Lenox  and  Seventh  avenues.  In  1891  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar.  Although 
barely  of  age,  he  was  made  an  Assistant  District  Attorney,  which  position  ho  held  until 
1895,  when  he  resigned  to  practice  iaw.  He  was  nominated  for  Congress  in  lsnti  against 
"Tim"  Campbell,  whom  he  easily  defeated,  and  ran  1.400  ahead  of  his  ticket.     Died  1901. 


Brann.  Henry  A. — Born  in  Ireland  in  1847;  landed  in  America  in  isr.fl:  admitted  to  the 
bar  in  1S68  at  Ubany;  joined  Tammany  Hall  in  1869;  has  since  been  a  prominent  member; 
has  served  on  General  and  District  Committees  of  the  Twenty-third  District;  has  held  the 
office  of  City  Magistrate  since  1895. 

Brennan,  Thomas  S. — Deputy  Commissioner  of  Charities,  born  in  this  city  1844; 
appointed  Ward  n  of  Bellevue  in  1866;  appointed  in  1860  to  Bellevue  Hospital  as  Watch- 
man, then  Captain  of  Night  Watch;  promoted  to  Island  Hospital  as  Steward  in  1864; 
remained  as  Steward  until  1866,  then  promoted,  and  in  1^7.".  appointed  Commissioner  "f 
Public  Charities  ami  Correction  and  twice  reappointed.  Appointed  Street  Cleaning  Com 
missioner  by  Mayor  Grant  in  1893  and  served  for  one  year,  resigning  t'>  engage  in  the  real 
business.     Died   in  1901. 

I'c.m  s,  Steti  m;  i  M. — Councilman  Brice  was  born  in  Lima,  i  >hio.  in  lsTn  and  received 
his  early  education  in  his  native  city.  He  removed  to  -Ww  York  in  1881  and  continued  his 
tudies  In  a  private  school  in  the  metropolis.  After  two  years  <>(  this  training  he  entered 
He  Philips  Academy  of  Exeter,  in  the  State  of  New  1  lamps  hire,  in  L886  he  started  upon  a 
tour  around  the  world.  Shortly  after  returning  from  his  trip,  which  was  in  issT.  he  en- 
tered Harvard.     On   the  completion  of  his  course  in  Harvard  in  1893,   he  entered   upon  an 

active   business  career.     Ho  i ante  General    Manager  of  the   Dayton   Natural  Gas  Com 

pany,  of  Dayton,  Ohio,  and  about  a  year  after  assumed  personal  charge  of  the  enormous 
railroad  interests  of  ins  father,  Senator  Calvin  S,  Brice.  In  1897  Mr,  Brice  was  elected  a 
membi  r  of  the  Council.  He  is  a  member  of  the  New  York  Athletic  Club,  the  Racquel  Club, 
the  Knickerbockei  Club,  the  Lambs  Club  and  the  order  of  the  Elks. 


Britt.  Philip  J.     i.;i»  yi 

Ini  e  L886    and   Cor  a   numbe 

if   Manhal  tan  <  lolli  ge  and 

3888-ls'io:  api ted  '  lounsel 


In  this  city  in    1865.      Identified 

with    Tammany    Hall 

■s  Secretary  of  the  Committee 

hi  Speakers.    Graduate 

a    University.     Searcher  of  Til 

les   in    Register's  office, 

IT   in    1898       Member  of  Tammni 

5   Soctetj   since  1888 

•99 

Brod  ikt,  John  E     Born  In  Nev   Fork  City  Ma  He  received  hi 

i  Ion    In    i  hi     publli     chool       ind  I i  private    tea<  hen        Hi    then 

School,  and  was  graduated  from  that  institution  In  the  cla      ol    ■■  I  r 

i.i     B      He  wai   admitti  d  to  the  bar  In  Julj    1878      A:    Brodsl        ntered  •■    ind 

was  ;i  pupil    i ii' i  protege  of  the  late  John  J    0  Brlen      Hi 

1879,    'ii.i  continued  until   L882,  when  he  accepted  a  Senatorial   nomination      R 

the  Assembly  as  an  Independent  In  1891      Mr.  Brodskj   Ii   an  active  and  prominent   m 

oi    i  . 1 1 1 1 1 1 ; 1 1 1 \    ii. mi      He  represented  the   Eighth    \     emblj    Dl   trld     bul  In   the 

Thlrtj    in  si    Ass.  nil. i>    Dlsti 

Browne,  Edward,  Ex  Ji  dgi      was  born  In  Ireland,  bul   reo 
tin;   city,     He  was  elected  a  Jud       ol   thi    Cltj   Courl   In  1883     Coun  ■  i  I 
years.    Judge  Browne  is  a  member  of  the  Oem  ral  Committee   ind  Committi 

lion  oi    the   Ninth  Assemblj    District   of  Tamman:    Hal]      Hi 

Democrat    and    a    worker    for    ins    party.     He    served    In    the  Civil   War  In  the  An 
Potomac.     Received  "Medal  of  Honor"  from  United  oi    braverj    at 

of  Fredericksburg,    May,    L868,   and    brevetted   Captain   United   Sta 
lantry  on  Held  of  battle. 


Burr,  William   P.     w  i     born  in  Dublin,  [reland    Mai    h    10    L851      Hi    rei 

education  In  I  hat  citj    unde:    the  tuition  of  Madam  Mi ni  i     of  i    udin 

to  N.'\\  Fork  in  L863  he  attended  thi  DeLaSalli  [nstituti  ind  I  tei  entered  St.  James'  Col- 
lege. Baltimore,  [n  1875  hi  was  appointed  to  the  West  Point  Militarj  Academy,  but  left 
there  in  ts77  to  enter  the  Columbia  College  La^    School,  where  he  was  In  1879, 

and  admitted   to  the  Bar  the  same   year.     He  was  a   delegate  t>>  1 1 1 . ■   x.w    v..ik   c.m 
tional  Convention  from  the  Eleventh  SenatoriaJ   District,  distinguishing   himselt    th 
his  fight  against  trusts  and  monopolies.    Ho  is  a   member  of  the   Manhattan     Democratic, 
Lawyers',  Narragansett,  Sagamore  and  Harlem   Democratic  Clubs,  State   Bai 
Tammany  Societj    and  oi   the  Standing  Committee  of  Tammanj    Hall  on    Resolutioi 
Con  espi  mi 

Butler,  William  A.    The  Supervisor  of  the    City    Record    and    former    Clerk    of    thi 
County  of  New    York,  William  A.  Butler,  was  born  in  this  city  and   lias  been  a   mem 
Tammany  Hall   for  over  twenty  years.     Mr    Butler   was  elected  County  Clerk   in   L879      He 
is  a  resident  of  the  Twenty-first   Assembly    District,  and  continues  Supervisor  of  thi 
i    the  present    time. 

Byrne,   Thomas    F.     Deputy    Assistant    District    Attorney,    born     in     this    city     in     1855. 
Graduated   from   Manhattan  College  in  1S74  and  New  York  University  Law    School   in 

He  has  been  an  active  and  influential  membei  of  Tammanj    Hall  sine.'  1893    and 

of  the  Tammany  Society  since  1897.     Resides  in  the  Fifth  Assemblj    District,  and  has   - 
upon  the  General  Committee  and  Commit! f  Organization. 


('\i.\i\-.  Hri.w.i  <\.  L.L.  D.— Judge  Calvin  was  horn  in  Clayton.  X.  V..  and  has  been 
active  in  Tammany  Hall  since  1866.  He  held  the  office  of  District  Attorney  of  Jefferson 
County,  Commissioner  of  Education  in   Watertown,  N.  Y..  and    -  Countj     if  Ni  a 

York,  and  at  present  is  in  legal  practice  at   58  William  street,  being  largely  identified  with 
estate  cases  and  practice  in  the  higher  courts.     In  politics  he  has  b  ihe  State 

ever  since  his  introduction  by  Governor  Seymour  and  Senator  Kernan,  in 
and  that  of  faithful  Tammany  and  the  regular  Democracy,  he  itedlj    and  suc- 

cessfully canvassed   the  city  and   the  State. 


Card,  Albert  M.— Born  in  Ancram,  N.  Y.,  July  21,  1S45;  was  educated  in  the  public- 
schools  and  at  the  Ami  nia  Seminary  and  Eastman  Business  College,  Poughkeepsie,  N. 
Y.     He  studied  law  with  Hon.  Charles  Wheaton,  of  Poughkeepsie,  and  began  the  practici 

of  law  in  Duchess  County.  He  has  always  been  a  Democrat.  Mr.  Card  was  United  States 
District  Revenue  Assessor,  with  headquarters  at  Poughkeepsie.  and  served  as  School  Com- 
missioner of  Duchess  County.  For  twelve  years  he  was  Judge  of  Probate  for  the  District 
of    Sharon,    Conn.,    and    three    years    member    of    Assembly    in    Connecticut      Mr.     Card 


300 

is  President  of  the  Village  of  Sharon;  President  of  the  Sharon  Casino  Company,  and 
a  Director  of  the  Sharon  Water  Company,  the  Sharon  Telephone  Company  and  the  Sharon 
Electric  Light  Company.  He  is  also  Commissioner  of  the  Superior  Court  of  Connecticut, 
Vice-President  and  Secretary  of  the  Salisbury  Carbonate  Iron  Company,  and  Secretary 
and  Treasurer  of  the  Landon  Iron  Company.  He  is  President  and  General  Manager  of  the 
Amenia  Mining  Company.  Secretary  of  the  Kelley  Mining  Company,  and  a  Director  of  the 
First  National  Bank  of  Amenia,  N.  Y.  He  is  a  member  of  the  New  York  Stat  Bar  Asso- 
ciation, the  Democratic  Club,  the  Harlem  Democratic  Club.  Tammany  Hall  and  the  Old 
Put  Club,  of  Danbury,  Conn. 

Carroll,  John  F. — Has  lived  all  his  life  in  the  old  Sixteenth,  but  now  divided  into  the 
Twenty-second  and  Twenty-fourth  Assembly  Districts.  He  was  for  twenty-five  years 
active  in  politics,  and  during  his  administration  as  Tammany  Hall  leader  he  proved  an 
able  and  brilliant  campaigner  and  has  scored  victory  after  victory.  He  has  always  b  •  n 
unswerving  in  his  loyalty  to  the  Tammany  Hall  organization,  and  so  successful  were  his 
labors  that,  under  his  leadership,  a  once  doubtful  district  came  to  the  front  as  a  Demo- 
,  ratii  stronghold.  As  Vice-Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Finance  of  Tammany  Hall  Mr. 
Carroll  retains  his  connection  with  the  organization,  and  is  welcomed  in  its  inner  councils. 
He  is  a  shrewd,  level-headed  politician,  whose  intimate  knowledge  of  public  men  and 
affairs  and  an  experience  extending  over  a  quarter  of  a  century  give  to  his  opinions  on 
matters  political  very  great  weight.  Mr.  Carroll  was  first  appointed  to  public  office  as 
Clerk  to  the  Grand  Jury  by  the  late  Supreme  Court  Justice  Frederick  Smyth,  who  was  then 
Recorder,  in  1879.  His  abilities  as  shown  in  this  position  brought  the  usual  reward.  He 
was  made  Clerk  of  the  Seventh  District  Civil  Court,  and  was  subsequently  promoted  to  the 
Clerkship  of  the  Court  of  Special  Sessions.  In  1891  he  was  unanimously  chosen  by  the 
Judges  to  the  responsible  place  of  Clerk  of  the  Court  of  General  Sessions. 

Chanler,  William  astor— Was  born  June  11,  1S6T,  in  Newport,  R.  I.,  son  of  John 
Winthrop  Chanler.  who  served  several  terms  in  the  Legislature  of  New  York  State,  and 
represented  the  Seventh  Congressional  District  of  that  State  for  three  terms;  was  educated 
at  St.  John's  School,  Sing  Sing;  Phillips'  Academy,  Exeter,  N.  H.,  and  Harvard  Univer- 
sity, which  he  left  to  undertake  explorations  in  Africa,  the  result  of  his  travels  having  been 
published  in  a  book;  had  conferred  upon  him  the  degree  of  A.  M.  by  Harvard  University, 
and  became  a  member  of  two  European  geographical  societies;  was  elected  to  the  Assem- 
bly in  the  New  York  State  Legislature  in  1897  from  the  Fifth  district,  and  was  elected  to 
lie  Fifty-sixth  Congress,  receiving  31,604  votes,  to  25,209  for  Lemuel  E.  Quigg,  Republican, 
1,307  for  Emil  Neppel,  Socialist  Labor,  and  101   Eor   Alberl    Wadhams,    Prohibitionist. 

Clausen,  George  C— President  Department  of  Parks,  was  born  in  this  city  in  L849. 
Appointed.  Commissioner  of  Taxes  in  1893,  and  made  Park  Commissioner  i,y  Mayor  Gilroy 
the  same  year.    Re-appointed  to  the  same  position  by  Mayor  Van  Wyck  in  1898. 

Coler,  Bird  S.— Comptroller  of  the  City  of  New  York  was  born  in  Champagne,  111.,  in 
1866.  He  is  the  present  Chairman  of  the  Finance  Committee  of  the  General  Committe  of 
the  regular  Democratic  organization  in  Brooklyn,  and  has  made  himself  felt  in  the  councils 
of  the  leaders.     He  becami    identified  with  Brooklyn  polities  in  L891. 

Coni-an,  Lewis  J,— One  of  the  Justices  of  the  City  Court,  was  born  in  Camden.  Oneida 
County,  N.  v..  and  was  educated  in  the  Polytechnic  institute  in  Troy,  and  was  elected  a 
member  of  the  Legislature  in  1885  and  a  Judge  of  the  City  Court  in  1S93.  He  is  a  member 
of  the   Manhattan,  Catholic,    Dei xatic,    Hardware  and    Press  clubs. 

Cosby,  John  B.— Health  Commissioner,  was  born  In  Tennessee  and  educated  in  that 
State  and.  in  Baltimore  Medical  College.  Coming  to  New  fork  he  became  a  firm  advocate 
of  Tammany  Hall  and  was  selected  for  his  present  position  by  .Mayor  Van  Wyck  In  L898. 


Crabtreb,  \m:ii:i  e.  Auctioneer  and  appraiser.  Born  in  this  city  in  L861.  Resides  in 
Thirty-first  Ass.  mbly  Distrii  t.  Pr<  sident  of  Carondelet  Democratic  Club,  and  an  energetic 
Tammanj    woj  kei   In  his  district. 


30i 

Grain,  T.  C,  T.     Ab  a  thorough  De al  and  "Tammanj   M  in     Thow  lb  C.  T.  i 

known  to  all  Mew   fork,     tie  waa  born  In  ibis  city,  wenl  abroad   with  hi     parenl      >'    in 

earl3  ;i:;i'  ;""1  waa  educated  In  Europe     Se  baa  been  active  In  the  Dei ratli    rank      Inci 

1822  and  with  Judge  Pryor  and  other  men  of   note,    has    battled    toi    the    malntena r 

Democratic  principles,  especially  In  the  Tammanj   campaign       From   18 Ill   I  B4   h 

City  Chamberlain. 

Crook,  Abel.     Was  born  In  Brooklyn,  1842.    Graduated  from  Willlami    Coll In  1862, 

with  degrees  of  B.A.  and  ALA.,  and  trom  Columbia  College  law  school  In  1864,  ■  Ith  di  gr<  ■■ 
of  Master  of  Laws.  Since  then  he  has  been  In  active  legal  practice  In  New  fork,  an  asso- 
ciate with  Hon.  A.  B.  Tappen,  Hon.  J.  B.  Haskins,  Supreme  Courl  Justice  [ngraham, 
Bourke  Cockran,  etc.  Se  is  a  member  of  the  Democratic  Club,  the  Brooklyn  Club,  Acco 
mack,  and  other  Important  organizations.  Ells  legal  practice  has  been  extensive,  covering 
the  most  decisive  cases  before  the  Supreme  Court  and  high  tribunals  of  the  city  and  State, 
and  affecting  corporate  and  legislative  Interests  of  the  mosi   Importanl  character. 

Oumminois,  Amos  J.— New  York's  famous  Congressman,  Amos  J.  Cummings,  waa 
born  at  Conkling,  Broome  County,  New  York,  in  1841.  After  many  adventures  in  the  South 
he  became  a  compositor  on  the  New  York  Tribune;  after  was  sargeant  major  of  a  regiment 
in  the  war;  was  distinguished  by  a  medal  for  gallantry  in  action;  became  an  editor  of  the 
Tribune  and  later  of  the  Sun;  was  elected  to  Congress  in  1886  and  has  been  the  people's 
chosen  representative  almost  continuously  since  that  time.  As  a  literary  man,  an  orator 
and  a  statesman  he  has  few  peers. 

Curtis,  George  M. — Was  born  in  Worcester,  Mass.,  in  1843,  and  pursued  his  law  studies 
with  Gen.  B.  F.  Butler,  of  Lowell,  Mass.,  and  Hon.  John  W.  Ashmead,  of  this  city,  being 
admitted  to  practice  in  the  New  7ork  courts  in  1862.  Was  a  member  of  the  Legislature  in 
1864,  1865  and  1866;  Assistant  Corporation  Counsel  of  the  city  in  1865-66,  and  was  elected  a 
Judge  of  Marine  Court  in  1867  and  served  a  full  term  of  six  years.  Since  his  seventeenth 
year  he  has  stumped  the  city  for  Tammany  Hall,  and  the  State  and  nation  for  the  Demo- 
cratic  party. 

Dalton,  William— Commissioner  of  Water  Supply,  was  born  in  this  city  about  forty- 
five  years  ago.  He  entered  politics  at  an  early  age,  and  was  elected  to  the  State  Legisla- 
ture in  1S85,  serving  until  1889.  He  was  appointed  Deputy  Street  Cleaning  Commissioner  in 
1889;  Excise  Commissioner  in  1893;  Commissioner  of  Water  Supply  in  1898.  He  is  the  Demo- 
cratic leader  of  the  Eleventh  Assembly  District. 

Daly,  Michael  T. — Commissioner  Daly,  one  of  New  York's  popular  officals.  was  born  in 
Ireland,  in  1841.  He  came  to  this  city  when  a  mere  boy,  attended  the  College  of  New  Fork; 
first  entered  political  life  under  Mayor  A.  Oakey  Hall;  was  for  years  Chief  Clerk  of  the 
City  Court;  in  1891  was  appointed  Commissioner  of  Public  Accounts,  and  afterwards  to  the 
responsible  post  of  Commissioner  of  Public  WTorks,  winning  great  credit  in  the  administra- 
tion of  both.    He  is  a  chief  in  local  Democracy  and  a  prominent  member  of  Tammany  Hall. 

Danforth,  Elliott— Is  a  native  of  Middlebuirgh,  Schoharie  County,  where  he  was  born 
March  6,  1850.  His  father  was  Peter  F.  Danforth,  a  lawyer  of  prominence,  a  State  Senator, 
and  a  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court.  Mr.  Danforth  was  educated  in  the  public  s< 
and  in  the  Schoharie  Academy.  He  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1872.  In  1880  he  was  a 
delegate  to  the  National  Democratic  Convention  at  Cincinnati,  which  nominated  General 
Hancock  for  the  Presidency.  He  was  also  a  delegate  to  the  Chicago  Convention  four  years 
later,  which  nominated  Grover  Cleveland,  whom  Mr.  Danfortftu  supported  in  the  convention. 
In  1884  Mr.  Danforth  was  appointed  Deputy  State  Treasurer,  by  Treasurer  Fitzgerald.  He 
served  five  years  in  that  capacity,  gaining  an  experience  which  proved  of  excessive  value 
to  him  when,  in  1SS9,  he  was  nominated  for  Treasurer,  and  elected  by  a  plurality  of  13,955 
votes.  In  1S91  he  was  re-elected  by  a  plurality  of  43.281,  thus  evincing  his  popularity.  In 
1896  he  received  the  offer  of  the  nomination  for  Governor  upon  the  retirement  of  John 
Boyd  Thacher.  but  declined  to  serve,  preferring  to  accept  the  Chairmanship  of  the  State 
Committee. 


302 

Davidson,  Louis— Lawyer  and  legislator,  was  horn  in  this  city  May  2,  1861.  He  received 
his  education  in  the  public  schools  and  at  the  College  of  the  City  of  New  York,  graduating 
from  there  in  1879.  In  politics  Mr.  Davidson  was  always  a  true  and  regular  Democrat.  In 
1892  and  1893  he  was  elected  by  a  large  majority  to  represent  the  Twenty-sixth  Assembly 
District   of  New   York  County.     Died   in   1901. 

Davies,  Wii.i  i am  Gilbert— Was  born  in  this  city  in  1842;  educated  at  Trinity  College, 
Hartford.  Conn..  Leipsic,  Germany,  Columbia  College  Law  School.  Admitted  to  the  Bar 
in  1863.  Mr.  Davies  is  a  Democrat  in  politics,  and  a  member  of  the  Union.  Century,  Uni- 
versity. Manhattan.  Democratic.  Liederkranz.  Tuxedo.  Lawyers',  Groliers  and  -St.  Nicholas 
Clubs,  the  Sons  of  the  Revolution,  the  Society  of  Colonial  Wars  and  the  American  State, 
and  City  Bar  Associations. 


Davis.  Vernon  M. — Was  born  in  this  rity  in  1855.  He  was  educated  in  the  public  and 
private  schools  and  the  College  of  the  City  of  New  York,  graduating  from  the  latter  insti- 
tution in  1S76.  In  1885  he  was  appointed  Deputy  Assistant  District  Attorney  by  Randolph 
B.  Martine.  and  later  he  was  promoted  to  be  Assistant  District  Attorney,  serving  as  such 
until  April  20th,  1897.  During  the  terms  of  District  Attorneys  Nicoll  and  Fellows.  Mr.  Davis 
was  Acting  District  Attorney,  and  upon  the  death  of  Col.  Fellows  he  became  District 
Attorney  by  the  unanimous  appointment  of  the  Judges  of  the  Court  of  Genera!  Sessions  on 
December  7,  1896.  holding  the  office  until  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Olcott  by  Governor  Black 
fifteen  days  later.  Mr.  Davis  is  now  a  member  of  the  School  Board  of  the  Borough  of  Man- 
hattan and  the  Bronx,  a  member  of  the  Board  of  Education  of  the  City  of  New  York,  ana 
Chairman  of  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  Board  of  Trustees  of  the  College  of  the  City 
of  New  York,  a  member  of  the  Board  of  Trustees  of  the  Normal  College.  He  is  a  staunch 
Democrat  and  a  member  of  the  Harlem  Democratic.  Sagamore  and  Democratic  Clubs. 

Dayton,  Charles  W.— This  well-known  New  York  Democrat  has  been  promi- 
nently before  the  public  since  his  eighteenth  year.  He  was  elected  to  the  State  Legisla- 
ture in  1881:  was  a  presidential  elector  in  1855;  was  appointed  Postmaster  of  New  York  by 
President  Cleveland  in  1893  and  in  every  position  has  proved  his  fitness  for  the  conduct  .if 
public  affairs. 

Dessar,  Leo  C. — Was  educated  in  the  public  schools  and  at  an  academy  in  Cincinnati, 
and  while  yet  a  mere  boy  during  his  college  days,  he  left  his  studies  to  take  p  irt  in  the 
war  for  the  Union.  On  his  discharge  he  was  graduated  from  the  Columbia  College  Law 
School,  and  in  1870.  admitted  to  the  New  York  bar.  He  at  once  engaged  in  praotice,  while 
at  the  same  time  taking  a  prominent  part  in  tin-  anti-Tweed  reform  movement,  of  which 
Samuel  J.  Tilden  was  the  leader,  being  one  of  Mr.  Tilden's  chief  associates  in  carrying  out 
the  reform  measures.  With  the  nomination  of  Tilden  for  Governor  of  the  Stat.-  in  1874,  at 
his  request,  Mr.  Dessar  hecame  a  candidate  for  the  Assembly,  and  was  elected  from  the 
Seventeenth  District  of  New  York  City.  In  18S4  Mr.  Dessar  was  elected  the  first  civil 
iustice  of  the  then  newly  erected  Eleventh  Judicial  District  Court.  Upon  his  retirement 
from  the  bench.  Judge  Dessar  resumed  the  practice  of  his  profession.  He  is  the  author  of 
the  famous  book  "A  Royal  Enchantress." 

Deyo,  Robert  E.— Municipal  Civil  Service  Commissioner,  born  in  1843.  Was  a  member 
of  the  Constitutional  Convention  in  1894,  and  was  appointed  Civil  Service  Commissioner  in 
the  same  year.  He  is  and  has  been  for  a  number  of  years  a  member  of  various  committees 
of  Tammany  Hall. 

Dinnean,  Thomas  P.— Lawyer,  was  born  in  this  city  in  1S5S.  Prominent  in  political 
circles  and  a  member  of  Tammany  Hall  for  many  years,  and  associate  leader  in  Sixth 
Assembly  Dstrict. 

Diwer,  I'  \ thick.— Born  in  Ireland,  in  1845,  and  coming  to  America  wihen  a  mere  child. 
M,  Diwer  has  always  made  New  York  his  home  and  has  become  one  of  her  most  popular 
Democratic  citizens.  He  lias  filled,  consecutively,  the  offices  of  court  officer,  Alderman  and 
Justice  of  the  Police  Court,  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  public  and  the  people  he  has  so  faith- 
fully served. 


3  »3 

Docharti      luoi     n      T      Wai    born  In  the  Cltj   of   New    Fork  and  wa     educated  In  thi 
public  schools  and  the  collegi   of  hi    native  city,  where  hli   fathei   wa     noted    - 

.'i   mathematics,     A.I   the  beg u ei     he    Idenl i    him  ell     .\  1 1 1> 

Tammanj     Hall      [n    L870    he    was    appoli i    clerk  In  the  Compti 

became    Assistant  Secretarj   of  the  Board  ol    Ipporl ment,  and  aftei  ward  Contract  Cleric 

in  the  Department  ol   Publl*    Works,  and  Deputj    Regl  tei  ol  the  Cltj  and  Countj   ol  New 

fork     in    L880  Tammanj    Hall    Dei racj    nominated    Mi     Dochartj    foi    R< 

was  elected  bj   .1   larger  majority    than  anj   candidate  on  the  local  ticket   thai 

thousand  of  New    Sfork's  leading  attorneys  endorsed   hie  administrt n  ol    thi     iffa 

the  office      in  1889,  and  1 1  1895,  he  wa  of  the  Dock  Coi  on  the 

'iist    of   January,    L898,    he    was  appointed  to  his  present  1  cretarj  ol   th 

Department  of  New    STork,   where  his    greal   experience  has  made  hi      ervii      Indlspenslble 


Doerr,  John  B  Was  born  In  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  In  1842.  He  was  educated  In  the  pub- 
lic schools  of  Philadelphia  He  first  started  In  business  with  Mr.  William  Piss  In  1879.  Mi 
Doerr  was  Instrumental  In  building  up  an  Immense  trade  In  the  sale  ot    hoi  He  was 

the  pioneer  of  selling  fresh   Western  horses  direcl   to  the  haltei    In  New    S"Ork  City.    The 
corporation  founded  bj    Mr,  Doerr  In  1895,  the  Piss,   Doen   &   Carroll   Horse  Company,  are 
the  largest  di  ilers  In  inns..-  in  the  world.     Mr.   Doerr  was  a   member  of  the   Democratic 
Club,  Hi     Road  Drivers'  Association,  the  Dakewood  Driving  Club,  of  which  he  was  01 
Hi 'ganizers,  and  an  honorarj   member  of  the  Freehold  Driving  Olub.      Hi    died  In  1901. 

Ihinnki.lv.  Thomas  F.  Was  born  in  Spring  street,  near  the  Bowery,  in  1863,  and  was 
educated  In  the  public  schools  and  the  College  of  the  City  of  New    Fork      He  is  a  lawyer  in 

active  practice,  and  was  graduated  from  Columbia  College  Law  School  with  the  class  of 
1884.  He  has  been  an  active  member  of  Tammany  Hall  for  fifteen  years,  and  has  repre- 
sented the  Thirty-second  Assembly  District  of  New  York  City  in  the  State  Legislature 
during-  the  years  of  1896,  L897  and  1898.  In  189S  he  was  the  leader  of  the  Democratic  minor- 
ity in  the  Assembly.  Mr.  Donnelly  was  elected  to  the  State  Senate  from  the  Twentieth 
District  for  1899-1900. 

Donohi'w,  Matthew  F.  -Deputy  Commissioner  of  Sewers,  was  born  in  New  York  In 
1867.  Appointed  to  his  present  position  in  1898.  Although  one  of  the  youngest  Democratic 
leaders  in  the  Tammany  organization,  his  conduct  of  the  Twenty-first  Assembly  District 
lias  .arned  him  the  commendation  of  political  friends  and  foes. 

Dowling,  Victor  J. — State  Senator,  was  born  in  this  city  in  1866.  Mr.  Dowlihg  was 
leader  of  the  Twenty-fourth  District  in  1895,  1896,  t897,  retiring  in  1898.  He  was  one  of 
the  Secretaries  of  the  Executive  Committee  of  Tammany  Hall,  and  is  at  present  a  membei 
of  the  Law  Committee  thereof.  He  has  been  a  prominent  and  effectve  speaker  in  all  Tam- 
many campaigns.  He  is  a  member  of  the  Democratic  Club  and  of  the  Catholic  Club,  and 
is  also  interested  in  a  number  of  fraternal  societies. 

Dugro,  P.  Henry— Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  born  in  this  city  in  1855;  was  educated 
at  Columbia  College,  in  the  class  of  1876,  and  also  at  Columbia  College  Law-  School;  elected 
to  the  Assembly  in  1878,  when  twenty-three  years  of  age;  elected  to  Congress  in  1880,  and  a 
Judge  of  the  Superior  Court  in  1887.  Transferred  to  Supreme  Court  in  1894.  Elected 
Grand  Sachem  of  Tammany  Hall  in  1.885. 

Dunlap,  Colonel  Thomas.— One  of  the  oldest  and  most  respected  members  of  the  Tam- 
many Democracy  was  lost  when  Thomas  Dunlap  died  in  1896.  Colonel  Dunlap  had  served 
New  York  in  many  of  the  most  important  official  stations— as  Alderman.  Naval  Officer, 
Deputy  Sheriff,  Collector,  Superintendent  of  Markets,  Warden  of  Ludlow,  etc.— in  all  of 
which  he  was  conspicuous  for  honesty  and  faithfulness  to  every  trust. 

Dunn,  Thomas  J.— The  ex-Sheriff  began  life  on  a  farm  and  was  educated  in  the  common 
schools.  When  old  enough  to  learn  a  trade  he  chose  that  of  a  stone-cutter,  and  by  economy 
and  diligent  application  he  saved  enough  money  out  of  his  wages  to  start  in  business  for 
himself  by  the  time  he  had  reached  the  age  of  thirty  years.  Mr.  Dunn's  devotion  to  the 
plain.  Democratic  principals  of  Tammany  Hall  has  been  life-long. 


304 

Emmet,  W.  T.— School  Commissioner  Emmet  is  a  New  Yorker  by  birth,  by  education 
and  by  residence,  having  been  born  in  "Westchester  County  in  1869.  He  entered  Columbia 
College  at  an  early  age,  graduated  from  Columbia  Law  School  in  1S90  and  began  the  prac- 
tice of  law  in  this  city  in  1891.  In  1894  he  was  honored  by  being  elected  a  delegate  to  the 
Constitutional  Convention  at  Albany  and  in  1900  he  was  appointed  School  Commissioner  by 
Mayor  "Van  Wyck.  Mr.  Emmet  is  a  member  of  the  Democratic  Club,  the  Metropolitan 
Club,  the  Down-Town  Association  and  the  Bar  Association. 

Engel,  Martin. — Councilman  Martin  Engel  was  born  in  the  City  of  New  York  in  the 
year  1847.  He  received  his  early  education  in  the  public  schools  of  this  city,  graduating 
from  Ward  School  No.  42  at  the  unusual  age  of  thirteen.  Immediately  after  his  gradua- 
tion he  went  to  Europe  and  attended  the  University  of  Berlin  for  two  years.  After  finish- 
ing his  course  of  study  in  Berlin,  Mr.  Engel  returned  to  this  country  and  at  once  entered 
upon  an  active  business  career.  He  became  associated  with  his  brother  Samuel,  and  they, 
under  the  name  of  Engel  Brothers,  carried  on  business  for  over  thirty-five  years.  In  1896 
Samuel  died  and  Martin  has  carried  on  the  business  since.  He  has  taken  an  active  part  in 
politics  ever  since  reaching  his  majority  and  has  been  the  leader  of  the  Eighth  Assembly 
District  since  the  formation  of  the  same.  He  was  elected  Councilman  for  the  First  Dis- 
trict in  1897.  Mr.  Engel  is  popular  socially  and  is  a  member  of  several  prominent  clubs  and 
organizations. 

Ely,  Smith— One  of  the  oldest  of  the  living  ex-Mayors  of  New  York  is  Smith 
Ely,  who  was  born  in  New  Jersey  in  1825.  Mr.  Ely  is  a  merchant  and  politician  of  promin- 
ence and  has  been  identified  with  Tammany  Hall  since  1850.  He  has  also  held  the  offices 
of  Supervisor,  Trustee  of  Brooklyn  Bridge,  State  Senator,  Commissioner  of  Education, 
Presidential  Elector,  Congressman  and  Park  Commissioner  of  the  City  of  New  York. 

Fahpbach,  George  H.— Deputy  County  Clerk,  born  in  this  city  in  1863;  appointed 
Recording  Clerk,  1886-1888;  Chief  Application  Clerk  of  the  Excise  Board,  1888-1890;  Equity 
Clerk  of  the  Supreme  Court  1890-1898,  when  he  was  appointed  to  present  position. 

Fairchild,  Julian  D.— Commissioner  of  the  East  River  Bridge,  born  in  Stratford, 
Conn.,  in  1850,  and  has  been  prominent  in  Brooklyn  financial  and  political  circles  since  1875. 

Fallon,  Joseph  P.— Justice  of  the  Municipal  Court,  Ninth  District,  was  bom  in  Ireland 
in  1845,  coming  to  America  in  1S49.  He  was  educated  in  the  public  and  Christian 
Brothers  schools;  elected  Judge  of  the  Ninth  District  in  1887;  appointed  a  School  Trustee 
Twelfth  Ward,  1873-1875;  elected  to  the  Legislature  in  1876;  member  of  Tammany  Hall 
General  Committee,  Catholic,  Harlem  Democratic,  Democratic  and   Sagamore  Clubs. 

Fanning,  William  J.— Born  in  Saratoga  County,  New  York,  and  received  his  educa- 
tion at  the  Half  Moon  Institute,  Middletown,  N.  Y.,  and  the  University  of  the  City  of  New 
York.     Mr.  Fanning  is  a  member  of  the  Manhattan,  Democratic  and  Catholic  Clubs. 

Farquhar,  Percival— Born  in  York,  Pa.,  and  was  educated  at  the  York  Collegiate 
Institute,  and  subsequently  in  Yale  College.  He  was  graduated  from  Yale  in  1884,  with  the 
degree  of  Ph.  B.  He  then  began  the  study  of  law  at  Columbia  Law  School,  being  gradu- 
ated with  high  honors,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1886.  He  has  always  taken  an 
active  interest  in  politics,  and  in  1889  was  a  candidate  for  Member  of  Assembly  from  the 
Third  Assembly  District.  He  was  defeated  in  that  campaign,  but  the  following  year  was 
elected  by  a  majority  of  2,000.  He  was  re-elected  in  1891  and  again  in  1892,  by  a  still  larger 
majority. 

Featherson,  Maurice— Represents  the  Eighteenth  District  in  the  State  Senate.  He 
was  born  in  this  city  in  1862.  and  was  educated  in  the  public  schools.  At  the  election  of 
1895  he  was  the  candidate  of  the  regular  Democratic  organization  for  the  senate  in  the  dis- 
trict which  he  now  represents.  He  received  altogether  11,221  votes,  as  against  5,333  cast  for 
J  Philip  Berg  the  Republican  candidate;  1,408  for  Richard  Morton,  who  was  backed  by  the 
Socialist  Labor  party,  and  603  for  James  Meehan,  who  had  the  backing  of  the  State 
Democracy. 


3'  '5 

Fdxtnbr,  Thomas  L.    Grand  Sachem  of    Tammanj   Boclety,    was  born    In  thli    cits   In 

1847;  was  appointed  C i  i   ol   Taxi      bj    Mayoi    Edson  In  1888,  and  reappointed  bj 

Mayor  Granl  In  1889;  appointed  Police  Justice  bj   Mayoi  Qllroj  In  189 ::  and  again  appointed 
Presldenl  Department  of  Taxi  !  by  Mayor  Van  Wy<  k  In  1898     Mi    Pi  Itm  i   bai   filli  d  i 
every  position  of  Importance  In  the  Tammany  organization  during  the  la 
He  lias  been  a  Sachem  of  the  Tammany  Society  for    ten    years    and   wai    elected  Gi 
Sachem  In  1897. 

Kki.i.ows.  .John  it.     \  brilliant   I vmncratic  leader  and  Tammany  orator  wa     John   R 
Follows,  the  able  District  Attorney  of  New    Y"ork,  who  died  In  the  mid  I  of  his  useful! 
as  a  citizen  and  a  valued  and  devoted  member  of  Tammanj      Mr,  Fellow  elected  and 

re  elected  to  Congress;  was  the  first  to  nominate  that  great   Democrat,  Horatio  Seymour, 

for  President;  was  a  winner  In  hundreds  of  famous  cases  at  law  and  alwaj       > I  toi   the 

people,  sound  monej  and  home  rule  In  the  City  of  New   fork. 

Fitzgerald,  Frank  T  Oj f  the  two  Surrogates  of  New  Fork,  was  the  first  Surro- 
gate ever  elected  for  a  term  of  fourteen  years,  was  born  in  the  First  Ward  of  this  city  and 
was  educated  in  St.  Francis  Xavier's  College,  in  this  city,  and  In  St.  Mary's  College,  Niagaia 
Fails.  He  was  graduated  from  Columbia  College  Law  School  In  1878,  and  afterward  pur- 
sued his  legal  studies  in  the  office  of  Smith  M.  Weed  and  the  late  Gen.  James  W.  n« 
He  was  elected  to  represent  the  old  sixth  Congressional  District  In  Congress  In  1888,  and 
long  before  his  term  was  completed  he  was  elected  Register  of  the  county.  This  was  in 
1889.    Judge  Fitzgerald  was  a  delegate  from  the  Eighth  Senatorial  District    to    the    last 

Constitutional  Convention,  and  was  a  member  of  the  Commit! n  Cities  and  Taxation. 

He  is  a  member  of  the  Manhattan.  Catholic  and   Democratic  Clubs  and   Press  Club. 

Fitzgerald,  James.— Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court,  was  born  in  Llmirick.  Ireland 
forty-seven  years  ago.  He  attended  the  De  La  Salle  Institute  for  more  advanced  studies 
and  at  the  age  of  sixteen  he  wont  into  the  mercantile  business.    Shortly  after  reaching  his 

majority  he  was  elected  to  the  Assembly  from  the  old  Sixteenth  District.  While  clerk  in 
the  County  clerk's  office  he  studied  law  and  later  graduated  from  the  Columbia  Law 
School.  In  1883  he  was  appointed  Deputy  Assistant  District  Attorney  and  was  Assistant 
District  Attorney  under  District  Attorneys  Martine  and  Fellows,  in  1889  he  was  elected 
Judge  of  the  Court  of  General  Sessions,  and  in  1897  he  was  elected  a  Judge  of  the  Supreme 
Court. 

Fitzpatrick,  Richard.— Is  one  of  the  most  popular  and  most  charitable  residents  of 
the  Ninth  District.  He  was  born  on  Thirteenth  street  in  1859  and  became  the  associate 
leader  of  his  ward,  and  is  one  of  the  favorite  members  of  Tammany   Hall. 

Fitzsimons,  James  M-  Judge  of  the  City  Court,  born  in  this  city  1858;  is  a  graduate  ol 
Columbia  College  Law  School;  was  elected  Alderman  from  Eighteenth  District,  and  in 
1889  served  as  Vice-President  of  the  Hoard:  appointed  Judge  of  the  City  Court  in  1890,  and 
elected  to  succeed  himself  in  1891. 

Fox.  John— Merchant,  born  in  Fredrickton,  New  Brunswick,  is::.".:  member  of  Tam- 
many Hall  since  1856,  and  has  served  on  all  principal  committees;  always  a  prominent 
and  leading  figure  in  Democratic  circles.  At  various  times  has  held  the  offices  of  Alder- 
man, Supervisor,  Congressman  and  Senator. 

Freedman,  Andrew.— This  thorough  Xew  Yorker  was  born  in  this  city  in  1860  and  is 
one  of  the  best-known  men  of  the  metropolis.  He  was  educated  in  our  schools,  the  St. 
Aloysius  Academy  and  College  of  the  City  of  New  York.  He  is  a  large  dealer  in  real  es- 
tate and  an  expert  in  real  estate  law.  His  influence  has  ever  been  exerted  foi  the  I 
cratie  cau«e  and  he  is  a  leading  member  of  many  metropolitan  societies  such  as  the  Law- 
yers" Club.  Democratic  Club,  president  of  the  New  York  Baseball  Club,  and  a  general 
favorite  in  political  and  social  organizations. 

Freedman,  John  J.-Justice  of  Supreme  Court,  was  born  in  Nuremberg.  Germany,  In 
1835-  came  to  New  York  in  1851;  appointed  Justice  of  the  Superior  Court  in  1S69;  elected  in 
1869 'for  a  full  term  of  six  years;  elected  for  a  full  term  of  fourteen  years  in  1S76.  re-elected 
in  1890;  transferred  by  the  consolidation,  in  1896.  to  Supreme  Court. 


3°6 

Fromberg,  Abraham  M.— Was  born  in  Elmira.  N.  T.,  in  1872,  and  received  his  early 
education  in  the  Susquehanna  Collegiate  Institute,  Towanda,  Pa.  He  attended  the  Lehigh 
University  for  two  years,  and  then  came  to  this  city  and  read  law  for  four  years  with 
ex-Judge  Van  Hoesen.  Meantime  he  attended  the  New  York  Law  School,  being  graduated 
with  the  degree  of  D.L.  B.     He  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1893. 

Fromme,  Isaac— Register  Fromme  was  born  in  the  City  of  New  York,  August  4,  1854; 
was  educated  in  the  public  schools  and  graduated  from  the  College  of  the  City  of  New- 
York  in  1874,  and  two  years  later  from  Columbia  College  Law  School.  For  almost  a  quar- 
ter of  a  century  he  has  practiced  his  profession.  Mr.  Fromme  was  one  of  the  organizers  of 
the  Real  Estate  Exchange,  serving  as  secretary  and  director  for  a  number  of  years.  He  is 
also  examining  counsel  of  the  Lawyers'  Title  Insurance  Company.  He  was  made  a  Mason 
twenty  years'  ago,  and  is  well  and  favorably  known  in  Masonic  circles  as  the  Past  Master 
of  Hope  Lodge  and  one  of  its  trustees.  He  is  Past  Grand  Master  of  the  Lodge  of  Per- 
fection and  the  Ancient  and  Accepted  Scottish  Rite.  He  is  a  member  of  Mount  Horeb 
Lodge,  Free  Sons  of  Israel,  is  Past  President  of  the  Zion  Lodge  No.  2  of  the  Independent 
Order  of  B'nai  Brith,  and  Ex-Governor  of  the  Home  of  the  Aged  and  Infirm  Hebrews,  at 
Yonkers;  is  a  member  of  the  West  Side  Association  and  the  West  End  Club;  also  of  Mount 
Sinai  Hospital,  Monteflore  Home,  the  German  Society  of  New  York  and  the  Elizabeth 
Home;  also  of  the  Tammany  Society  or  Columbian  Order,  and  the  Pontiac  and  Xarragan- 
sett  Clubs.  Mr.  Fromme  was  elected  Register  of  New  York  County  in  1897  by  an  over- 
whelming majority. 

Gage,  Welleslet,  W. — Was  born  in  Hamilton,  Canada,  fifty  years  ago.  After  coming 
to  the  States,  Mr.  Gage  graduated  from  the  Law  School  at  Albany  with  the  degree  of 
L.L.  B.  and  was  immediately  admitted  to  the  Bar  in  New  York  and  also  to  the  Bar  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  Mr.  Gage  is  a  strong  and  consistent  Tammany  Hall 
Democrat,  and  is  a  member  of  the  General  Committee,  as  also  a  life  member  of  the  New 
England  Society  and  of  the  Columbian  Order  of  Tammany.  He  is  a  strenuous  advocate 
of  local  self-government,  insisting  that  by  home-rule  only  can  true  Democracy  and  a 
Republican  form  of  government  be  perpetuated  in  our  cities  and  the  several  States. 

Gardiner,  Col.  Asa  Bird— Was  born  in  this  city  in  1S39.  He  is  a  member  of  the 
Union,  the  Metropolitan,  the  Manhattan,  the  Democratic,  West  Point,  Seventh  Regiment 
Veteran,  and  Delta  Kappa  Epsilon  Clubs.  The  Colonel  is  also  a  simon-pure  Democrat, 
and  as  such,  is  in  succession  to  his  father  and  grandfather,  a  member  of  Tammany  Hall 
General  Committee  for  the  First  Assembly  District.  He  is  also  a  member  of  and  Sachem 
in  the  Tammany  Society. 

Gerry,  Commodore  Eldridge  T. — Born  in  New  York,  1837;  a  graduate  of  Columbia  Col- 
lege; a  lawyer  of  great  prominence;  founder  of  "The  Gerry  Society"  for  the  prevention  of 
cruelty  to  children;  Commodore  of  the  New  York  Yacht  Club,  Eldridge  T.  Gerry  is  a  con- 
spicuous figure  in  the  history  of  New  York.  His  life-work  in  behalf  of  the  children  of  the 
poor  is  an  evidence  of  his  humanity  and  Democracy  as  well. 

Gildersleeve,  Henry  Alger— Soldier,  jurist,  sportsman,  and.  at  one  time,  the  finest 
rifle  shot  in  America,  was  born  in  Dutchess  County,  New  York,  on  August  1,  1840.  In 
1875  he  was  elected  Judge  of  the  Court  of  General  Sessions.  His  term  expired  in  1889.  But 
in  1891  he  was  called  back  to  the  bench  by  Governor  Hill,  who  appointed  him  a  Justice 
of  the  Superior  Court.  In  the  fall  of  the  same  year  he  was  elected  to  succeed  himself  for 
the  full  term  of  fourteen  years,  from  January,  1892.  Under  the  Constitution  of  1894  he 
was  transferred  to  the  Supreme  Court,  and  there  presides  at  the  present  time. 

Gilon,  Col.  Ki>w  \ui  Was  born  in  New  Voik  City  August  11.  1838,  and  was  educated 
in  the  common  schools  of  his  native  city.  Col.  Gilon  has  held  several  important  posi- 
tions, among  others  that  of  Alderman.  From  1S76  to  1880  he  held  the  important  office 
of  Collector  of  Assessments  and  clerk  of  Arrears.  From  1880  to  1894  he  was  Chairman  of 
the  Board  of  Assessors.  In  February,  1S94,  he  was  returned  to  the  duties  he  had  so 
capably  fulfilled,  and  was  appointed  to  ins  old  position  which  he  now  tills  so  creditably, 
that  of  Collector  of  Assessments  and  Clerk  of  Arrears.  Col.  Gilon  has  been  for  many 
years  identified  with  the  Democratic  party  In  this  city,  and  has  done  much  to  advance 
its   cause. 


3'  7 

Q ii     Henri    m      Municipal  Coui  I  Ju  I  i  In  1866     While 

in  active  Interesl   In  polltli     ai waj     recognized  a      tn  ardenl   i  <•  m 

Goldfogle  never  held  onj    office,  other  than  one  on   th     bench,   though  on   vai occa 

sinus  he  was  pi  offei  id  the  nomination      foi     \     embl;     md   Con  i    hi    declined, 

He  has  been   e   delegate   to   everj    Democratic   Btate   Convention   since  1877 
alternate  to  the  National  Convention   which   lasl   nominated    Mi     Cleveland  foi  th<    P 

dency,  and  also  a  delegate  to  the   National   Convention  of  the  Dei racj    at    Chicago  In 

1896. 

Gordon,  .i  imes  Lindsat.     Ex-Deputj    Assistant  DlstrlcJ    attorney,  born  in  Virginia;  ha 
practiced  law   In  New   Fork  Blnce  1898,  and  is  a  membi  r  of  the  General  Committee  of  Tam- 
many   Hall  for  the  Twenty-fifth   District. 

Grace,  William  R.  Former  Mayor  Grace  was  born  In  Ireland  In  1833  and  came 
to  America  a!  the  age  of  fourteen,  He  became  promlnenl  as  a  business  man,  and  later,  as 
a  politician,  and  in  L880  was  elected  to  the  Mayor's  office  to  which  hie  was  also  re  elected 
in  1884.     For  years  he  was  the  acknowledged  head  of  the  Democratic  party  of  New    S 


Grady,  Thomas  Francis  Senator  Thomas  Francis  Grady,  the  noted  politician  and 
successful  lawyer,  was  born  in  New  York  City  In  November,  1853.  He  was  elected  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Tammany  Society  In  1877,  and  lias  been  a  leading  and  conspicuous  member  of 
Tammany  Hall  since  1875,  serving  on  Committees  of  Organization,  Resolutions  and  Cor- 
respondence and  Committee  on  i.aw  and  Executive  Affairs.  Senator  Grady's  districl  is 
the  Twentieth  formerly  the  Second— and  he  has  been  member  of  Assembly,  1  ^77  to  1879; 
Senator,  1882,  1883,  1889,  1896,  1897,  1898,  1899  and  1900,  as  well  as  Police  .Justice-  L891  to  1895. 
He  is  a  celebrity  who  lias  been  prominent  in  every  Presidential  and  State  campaign  since 
he  i"  .an f  age.    Tammany  Hall  and  Grady  have  always  led  to  victory. 

Grell.  William  K.— Sheriff  Grell  was  born  in  Germany  in  1852.  His  residence  during 
his  business  and  social  career  has  been  in  New  York  City.  Solely  by  bis  own  efforts  Mr. 
Grell  has  attained  bis  present  high  standing  in  the  community.  He  is  widely-known  In 
the  business  and  social  circles  throughout  the  city.  Mr.  Grell's  fitness  for  public  office  has 
been  proved  by  his  record  in  office  as  a  Tax  Commissioner.  To  the  untiring  efforts  of  Mr. 
Grell  is  due  the  establishment  of  that  splendid  monument  of  German  generosity,  the  "Alt- 
enheim"  (Home  for  the  aged),  which  from  the  top  of  the  Palisades  overlooks  New  York  as 
well  as  N.-w  Jersey.  Mr.  Grell  is  as  prominent  in  sooial  circles  as  he  is  in  the  political 
woild.  He  is  a  member  of  the  Eichenkranz.  Amt  Hadler  Club,  the  Ann  Achin  Club  and 
the  New  York  Schutzen  Corps,  and  about  150  other  societies  and  clubs.  He  was  elected 
Sheriff  of  New  York  County  in  1899. 

Green,  Andrew  H. — Andrew  Haswell  Green  is  a  native  nf  Worcester,  Mass.;  a  student 
of  law,  and  partner  with  Samuel  J.  Tilden  in  New  York,  and  held  some  of  the  highest  of- 
fices in  the  city,  as  president  of  the  Board  of  Education,  Park  Commissioner,  Comptroller, 
president  of  the  commission  for  the  creation  of  Greater  New  fork,  of  which  for  years  he 
was  the  advocate  and  the  acknowledged  "Father."  Mr.  Green  is  also  a  director  of  the 
Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art.  the  New  York  Historical  Society,  the  State  Bai  Association, 
and  many  mote  of  like  importance. 

Guggenheimer,  Kandolph — President  of  the  Council,  New  fork  City,  was  born  in 
Lynchburg,  Va.,  in  1848,  and  came  here  when  a  boy.  Educated  in  the  public  schools,  he 
completed  his  studies  privately,  and  finally  graduated  from  the  Law  School  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  New  York.  He  was  admitted  to  tie  bar  in  1889.  In  1S88  Mr.  Guggenheimer  was 
appointed  a  member  of  the  Board  of  Education.  He  was  elected  to  his  present  position 
in  1897. 

Gumbleton,  Henry  A. — Was  born  in  the  City  of  New  York  September  It.  1846.  He  has 
at  various  times  held  important  positions  in  the  public  service;  he  was  elected  i '  »unty  Cl<  rk 
in  1S76,  was  a  Sachem  of  the  Tammany  Society  for  several  years  prior  to  1886,  and  was 
a  member  of  the  Board  of  Assessors.  He  is  a  lawyer  and  has  been  engaged  in  the  active 
practice  of  his  profession  for  the  last  sixteen  years. 


3o8 

Guy,  Charles  L.— Kx-State  Senator,  lawyer,  orator,  club  man,  was  born  in  New  York 
and  received  the  earlier  part  of  his  educational  training  in  the  public  schools  of  this  city; 
attended  the  College  of  the  City  of  New  York,  after  which  he  studied  medicine  in  the  Col- 
lege of  Physicians  and  Surgeons,  and  later  got  his  legal  training  in  the  Columbia  College 
Law  School  and  the  law  offices  of  Elihu  Root.  After  admission  to  the  bar  in  1881,  Mr. 
Guy  was  appointed  law  assistant  to  the  Surrogate  of  New  York  County,  but  resigned  in 
1893,  having  been  elected  to  the  Senate  from  the  Thirteenth  District.  An  active  Democrat 
since  1877,  Senator  Guy  has  always  taken  an  enthusiastic  interest  in  local,  State  and 
national  issues. 

Haberman.  Frederick. — From  the  Twenty-ninth  Assembly  District  of  New 
York,  has  been  a  Democrat  ever  since  he  was  naturalized  in  1864.  He  is  a  Bavarian  by 
birth,  but  came  to  New  York  when  a  boy,  was  an  apprentice  at  the  tinner's  bench,  and 
rose  to  be  head  of  a  manufacturing  establishment  employing  fifteen  hundred  men. 

Hapfen,  Louis  F.— President  of  the  Borough  of  the  Bronx,  was  born  in  1S54  in  Mel- 
rose, Westchester  County.  He  graduated  from  Columbia  College  School  of  Mines  as 
Civil  Engineer  in  1879.  He  studied  previously  at  St.  John's  College,  Fordham.  N.  Y.,  and  at 
Niagara  College,  receiving  the  groundwork  of  his  education  at  a  German  private  school 
and  the  local  public  school.  He  entered  the  active  practice  of  civil  engineering  after  fin- 
ishing at  Columbia  College,  and  in  a  short  time  made  a  practical  study  of  mines  in  Colo- 
rado, California  and  Arizona.  On  his  return  to  New  York  he  resumed  the  work  of  a  city 
surveyor  and  civil  engineer  in  Melrose.  He  afterward  became  Superintendent  of  Parks  of 
the  Twenty-third  and  Twenty-fourth  Wards.  In  1893  he  was  appointed  Commissioner  of 
Street  Improvements  of  the  Twenty-third  and  Twenty-fourth  Wards  by  Mayor  Gilroy,  and 
in  the  fall  of  that  year  was  elected  to  the  same  position.  He  held  the  office  of  Commis- 
sioner of  Street  Improvements  until  December  31,  1897  when  it  was  abolished.  In  1897  he 
was  elected  President  of  the  Borough  of  the  Bronx. 

Hanneman,  Louis— Ex-Corporation  Attorney  el  the  City  of  New  York,  was  born  in 
1858  in  this  city.  Mr.  Hanneman  has  always  been  actively  identified  with  the  Democratic 
party,  and  for  many  years,  until  1886,  he  was  Secretary  of  the  Tammany  Hall  General 
Committee.  He  is  a  member  of  the  Committee  on  organization.  He  is  a  member  of  the 
Tammany  Club,  the  Gravesend  Bay  Yacht  Club,  the  Masonic  Order,  Odd  Fellows,  Knights 
or  Pythias,  Royal  Aroanum,  Eichen-Kranz  Singing  Society,  Municipal  Art  Society  and  the 
Columbian  Order. 

Hardy,  Charles  J. — Lawyer,  has  been  a  member  of  Tammany  Hall  for  the  past  ten 
years,  and  was  elected  a  member  of  Tammany  Society  in  1899.  Is  also  a  member  of  Demo- 
cratic, Liederkranz  and  Catholic  Clubs,  and  of  a  number  of  college  societies. 

Harris,  Sidney— Was  born  in  New  York  City  in  1866;  son  of  Miriam  Coles  Harris, 
author  of  "Rutledge,"  ate,  and  the  late  Sidney  S.  Harris;  educated  at  St.  Paul  School, 
Concord,  N.  H.,  and  Columbia  College;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1889.  Member  of  the  Union 
Club,   St.   Anthony  Club  and  Democratic  Club. 

Hascall.  Theodore  F.— Justice  of  the  City  Court,  was  bom  at  Leroy,  (ienesee  County, 
this  State.  Mr.  Hascall— who  has  always  been  a  stanch  Democrat— became  connected  with 
Tammany  Hall  in  1876  and  has  since  continuously  served  upon  its  various  committees  In 
the  Seventh,  Third,  Tenth  and  Twenty-fifth  Districts.  He  was  elected  to  the  City  Court 
in  1898. 

Hassett,  Edward  Lawyer,  received  bis  education  in  the  public  schools  of  Bath,  N. 
Y.,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  of  the  State  of  .Ww  fork  at  Rochester  in  lsv_.  Since  his 
establishment  in  the  metropolis,  Mr.  Hassett  has  been  connected  with  anil  engaged  in 
litigation  involving  very  large  and  valuable  Interests.  lb'  is  a  member  of  the  Bar  Asso- 
ciation of  the  City  of  New  York,  and  a  prominent  member  of  several  other  associations  and 
Clubs   in   the   city. 

Hayes,  Nicholas  J.— First  Deputy  City  Clerk,  was  born  in  Troy,  N.  v..  in  isr,4;  edu- 
cated at   Bryan!  &  Stratton's  Business  College  and  St.  Francis  Xavier  C ge;    appointed 

Clerk  of  1 1 ■  •  -  Superior  Court  in  issr,.  transferred  to  Supreme  Court   L896,  and  appointed  to 
his  pros,  hi  position  in  1898;  is  a  member  of  the  Executive  Committee  of  Tammany  Hall. 


36g 

Hayb,  Daniel  P  Lawyer,  born  In  w,  i  heal  i  Count)  In  1854;  bai  alwaj  b»en  an 
active  Democrat,  and  In  1898  wai    appointed  CommlBBlonei   of    ^.ppral  li  to  the 

changing  of  grades  In   the  Twenty  third   and  Twentj   t h  u  u 

was  made  Civil  Service  C miBBlom  r,  and  elected  Chairman  of  the  Board      H< 

her  of  the  Democratic,  Lawyera',  Reform,  Bagamore  and  Harlem  Democratic  Club  .  being 
Preaiden!  of  the  latter  organization   for  tv  o  jreai 

1 1 1  !:  1 1  r   John  C     Commit    loner  Hertle  1    a  nath '  \.  «  Fork  and  la  of  Germ 

Mter  completing  his  common  Bchool  education  In  New   Fork  City,  he  entered  and 
graduated  from  one  of  our  best   business  colleges  of  which  he  was  afterwards  principal. 
Later  he  went  Into  the  mercantile  business     [n  1898  Mayor  Van   Wyck  appointed  him  to 
the  very  imp, .riant  office  of  Commissioner  of  Accounts.    Mr.    Hei 
Tammanj  Socletj  and  the  t  >emoi  ratic  Club. 

Hill,  Ghorgh      Was  born  May  5th,  1845,  al  Rochdale,  England,     He  came  to  New  Tork 
Citj  In  1853.     Was  prepared  for  college  a1   Phillip's  Exeter   ^.cademj   In  Exeter,  N    H 
uating  in  the  class  or  1st;:,.     He  then  entered  Harvard  College  and  there  graduated  In  the 

class  .if   isiiii.     Suiis.iiurni.v   he   took   up  a   course   in    Harvard    Law    Scl I.     Sil ! 

has  been  a  r,  si, lent  of  this  city.  On  January  1st.  1871  he  became  managing  clerk  for  the 
law  firm  of  Devlin,  Miller  &  Trull,  and  remained  In  thai  position  until  May.  1875,  when  be 
started  a  law  practice  of  his  own.  having  been  admitted  to  the  bar  In   Feb  li" 

was  afterwards  admitted  to  practice  In  the  United  stales  Courts  for  the  Southern  District 
of  X  \\  York  ami  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  Mr  Hill  li  'came  a  memher  of 
Tammanj  Hall  and  the  Columbian  Order  in  IsSt.  lie  was  appointed  by  M.>n  John  W'halen 
In  February,  1898,  to  the  office  of  Assistant  Corporation  Counsel,  which  office  he  still  holds. 
He  is  a  member  of  the  Executive  Committee  In  the  Twenty-fifth  District. 

Hoes,  Wm.  M.— Public  Administrator  of  the  County  of  New  York,  born  in  this  State;  at 
Kinderhook.  Columbia  County.  1840;  educated  at  Kinderhook  Academy  and  Williams  Col- 
lege and  Columbia  Law  School;  member  of  the  Holland  Society,  Down-Town,  Manhattan, 
Democratic  and  University  Clubs,  Bar  Association  of  the  City  of  New  York,  American 
Geographical  Society,  Williams  College  Alumni  Association  and  Past  Master  of  Kane 
Lodge,  Free  and  Accepted  Masons. 

Hoffman,  Benjamin— Member  of  the  Assembly  from  the  Sixteenth  Assembly  District, 
was  born  in  the  Eleventh  Ward,  this  city,  in  1862.  He  attended  Grammar  School  No.  15, 
and  after  being  graduated  therefrom  took  a  law  course  and  entered  the  law  office  of 
Judge  Alfred  Steckler.  He  then  formed  a  partnership  with  his  brother.  Charles  L.  Hoff- 
man, under  the  firm  name  of  Hoffman  &  Hoffman.  In  Tammany  circles,  Mr.  Hoffman 
holds  a  prominent  position.  Mr.  Hoffman  has  been  a  member  of  Assembly  for  five  terms, 
and  at  the  recent  election  was  elected  without  opposition  as  Justice  of  the  Municipal  Court. 
Fifth  District.  He  has  been  Secretary  of  the  Tammany  Hall  General  Committee  of  the  old 
Sixth  Assembly  District.  He  is  also  a  member  of  the  Eleventh  Ward  League,  Democratic 
Club.  Tammany  Society,  the  Jefferson  Club,  the  Seminole  Club  and  the  John  F.  Ahearn 
Association.  Besides  these  social  and  political  clubs,  he  is  also  a  prominent  and  active 
member  of  the  Gad  Lodge.  I.  O.  O.  F.;  the  Gottlieb  Lodge.  A.  I.:  Max  Kahn  Lodge.  I.  O. 
S.  B. ;  American  Star  Lodge,  the  American  Legion  of  Honor,  Adelphi  Lodge  23.  F.  A.  M. 

Holahan,  Maurice  F. — President  Board  of  Public  Improvements,  was  born  in  1^48; 
has  been  in  both  branches  of  the  State  Legislature — as  a  member  of  the  lower  lions.-  and 
Clerk  of  the  Senate;  Chief  of  Customs  in  the  Treasury  Department;  Chief  Special  Agent 
of  the  Treasury  Department  for  New  York.  Connecticut  and  New  Jersey;  appointed  Com- 
missioner of  Accounts  of  the  city  in  1889.  and  Deputy  Commissioner  Public  Works  in  1S90. 
Mr.  Holahan  has  been  a  member  of  Tammany  Hall  for  twenty-five  years,  and  for  many 
years  was  Scribe  of  Tammany  Society. 

Holly,  Willis.— Was  born  July  4th,  1854.  in  Stamford.  Conn.  In  early  life  he  wis  a 
prominent  newspaper  man.  First  office  held  in  New  York  was  that  of  Secretary  and  Chief 
Clerk  in  Mayor's  office,  to  which  he  was  appointed  in  1891  by  Mayor  Grant,  and  in  which 
he  continued  under  Mayor  Gilroy.  Was  appointed  Secretary  of  Park  Board  in  1S9S.  He 
is  a  member  of  Tammany  Society,  of  General  and  Executive  Committees,  being  at  present 
a  member  of  the  Executive ICommittee  in  the  Twenty-fifth  District. 


3io 

Hopper,  Isaac  A.— A  stanch  and  loyal  Democrat,  who  has  engaged  in  the  erection  of 
some  of  the  largest  buildings  in  the  city,  among  them  being  the  Emigrant  Savings  Bank, 
Carnegie  Hall,  Academy  of  the  Sacred  Heart,  the  New  Netherlands  Hotel,  the  Third  Ave- 
nue Bridge,  the  three  power-houses  of  the  Third  Avenue  Cable  Road,  the  Commmercial 
Hotel  and  the  Spingler  Building  at  Union  Square.  He  also  constructed  the  three  and  one- 
half  miles  of  cable  road  for  the  Third  Avenue  Company,  the  lattter  involving  an  expendi- 
ture of  more  than  a  million  dollars.  Mayor  Grant  appointed  Mr.  Hopper  a  member  of 
the  Board  of  Education  in  1891,  but  finding  that  his  health  was  not  of  the  best  and  his 
business  engagements  too  pressing,  he  resigned  in  1893  Tammany  leader  in  the  Thirty- 
first  Assembly  District;  is  now  President  Twelfth  Ward  Bank  and  the  Empire  City 
Savings  Bank. 

Horwitz,  Otto— Was  born  in  Berlin,  Germany,  and  educated  there  and  at  the  New 
York  City  College,  this  city.  He  has  long  taken  an  active  interest  in  Democratic  politics 
in  this  city  and  is  a  member  of  numerous  clubs  and  associations. 

Hotchkiss,  Henry  D.— "Was  born  at  Albany,  N.  Y.  He  began  the  study  of  law  in  the 
office  of  David  B.  Hill,  at  Elmira.  Subsequently  came  to  the  city  of  New  York  and 
entered  the  office  of  James  C.  Carter.  Was  elected  to  Assembly  from  Eleventh  District  of 
Kings  in  1886,  winning  by  a  plurality  of  221  over  Republican  opponent  in  a  total  vote  of 
22,000.  the  normal  Republican  majority  being  about  4.000.  Declined  a  renomination.  Was 
a  member  of  the  Constitutional  Convention  of  1894. 

Hottknroth,  Adolph  C— Member  of  the  City  Council  from  the  Borough  of  the  Bronx, 
City  of  New  York  and  the  New  York  University,  and  is  a  member  of  the  law  firm  of  Gum- 
bleton  &  Hottenroth.  In  1894  Mr.  Hottenroth  was  one  of  the  youngest  members  of  the 
Constitutional  Convention,  representing  practically  the  same  district  that  he  now  repre- 
sents in  the  Municipal  Council  of  Greater  New  York,  besides  the  Counties  of  Westchester 
and  Putnam. 

Jackson,  Charles  A. — Was  born  in  New  York  City  in  1843.  He  was  educated  in  the 
Fishkill  Academy,  Fishkill.  N.  Y.,  and  Columbia  College  Law  School.  He  graduated  in 
1859,  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1863  and  has  practiced  law  in  this  city  ever  since.  In  1879 
he  was  nominated  for  State  Senator  against  William  Waldorf  Astor  and  was  defeated,  but 
he  succeeded  in  cutting  down  a  Republican  majority  of  10,000  to  4,000.  In  1881  he  was  of- 
fered the  nomination  for  Surrogate  on  the  City  Democracy  ticket  but  declined  it.  He  was 
appointed  Inspector  of  Schools  by  Mayor  Grace.  In  1899  he  was  appointed  Commissioner 
of  Change  of  Grade  by  Mayor  Van  Wyck.  He  has  1 n  a  member  of  the  Tammany  So- 
ciety fo~r  twenty-five  years  and  the  Society  of  Cincinnati  for  ten  years.  Mr.  Jackson  is 
a  member  of  the  Democratic  and  Manhattan  Clu'bs  and  a  member  of  the  General  Commit- 
tee of  Tammany  Hall  from  the  Twenty-seventh  Assembly  District. 

Jenkins,  William  T.,  M.  D. — Health  Commissioner,  was  born  in  Holly  Springs,  .Miss.. 
October  25,  is:.:,;  educated  at  the  University  of  Mississippi  and  University  of  Virginia; 
came  to  New  York  in  1878;  has  served  as  Coroner's  Physician  from  1880  to  January,  1892; 
Health  Officer  of  Port  from  February,  1892,  to  January,  1S95;  Health  Commissioner  and 
Chairman  of  Sanitary  Committee,  of  Board  of  Health,  member  state  Hoard  of  Health  by 
appointment  of  Governor  Theodore  Roosevelt,  January,  1899. 

Joseph,  Herman.-  Judge,  lawyer  and  good  Democrat,  born  in  tliis  city  in  1858,  and  re- 
ceived his  early  education  in  the  public  schools  and  the  University  of  New  Xork,  graduat- 
ing from  the  latter  institution  with  the  class  of  '77.  He  is  a  brother  in  law  of  Judge  John 
H.  McCarthy,  and  lias  always  been  a   Democrat  in  polities. 

KSAHNET,  EDWARD.  Mr.  Kearney,  who  was  born  in  Ireland.  1S::0.  was  educated  in  New 
York,  and  throughout  his  life  was  prominent  in  the  business  and  political  life  of  New  fork. 
He  made  a  fine  record  as  a  soldier,  as  a  successful  business  man  and  as  a  favorite  member 
of  Tammany  Hall,  lie  was  Richard  Croker's  lieutenant  in  the  Eighteenth  Assembly  Dis- 
trict, and  as  a  Democrat  and  a  man  was  respected  for  bis  Integrity  and  ability. 


Kearney,  Jamj        Lawyer,    111    the    new    si     Paul    Building       Mi      Kearm 

friends  and  is  a  well  know  n  man  In  botl al  and  li  ral  clrcli 

Keenan,  Patrick     Was  born   In  Counts    Tj Ireland,   In    183'      Th(    Fascination  of 

politics  Beized  upon  Mr.   Keenan  when  young      He  has  always  been  b   stanch   Democrat 

He  became  a  member  of  the  Counts    tocracj    In  1880,  and  continued  until   1890,    vh   n  hi 

joined  Tammany  Hall,  He  has  been  leader  of  the  Sixteenth  District  evei  Ino  HI  fii  I 
official  i»>s 1 1 1, mi  was  attained  In  1872,  when  he  was  thlrtj  Hvi  yean  old,  being  then  elected 
to  the  Board  ol  Issistanl  Aldermen,  and  hi  continued  to  b  a  membei  ol  thai  bod  until 
it  was  abolished  In  1874.     Subsequently,  In  is,...  he  was  elected  to  the  Board  of  am-  rmi  n, 

and  he  served  for  six  years,  until  1882,  when  he  attained  a     tigher  offlci    bj   hli    i 

to  Counts  Clerk,  Mr.  Keenan  was  appointed  to  his  present  position,  Citj  Chamberlain, 
i-n    1898. 

Keller,. \   \v.     Presidenl    Board  of  Charities,   born  In   Kentucky  In    1856    educated 

.it  Fale  College;  came  to  New  Fork  In  1879; Journalist  bj  occupation;  ea  President  New 
York  Press  Club;  President  D  mocratic  Club;  appointed  to  present  position  In  1898  Mi  tnbei 
uf  Executive  Committee  of  Tammanj  Hall  and  Chairman  of  Committee  on  Printing  H< 
is  a  Sachi  m  of  i  he  Tammanj   Socl   i  \ 

Kennellt,  Bryan  L.  Real  estate  auctioneer  and  appraiser,  was  born  In  New  York 
City  in  1865.  Mi  Kennellj  was  the  founder  of  the  first  Democratic  club  on  the  Wesl  Side, 
between  Fiftj  ninth  and  One  Hundred  and  Twentj  fifth  Streets,  which  was  organiz  d  in 
Ninety-fifth  street,  in  L890;  afterward  being  instrumental  In  amalgamating  said  club  Into 
What  is  now  the  celebrated  Pontiae  Club,  the  Tammany  Hall  club  of  Hi  district,  ol  hich 
club  he  lias  been  Vice-President.  He  represented  Tammany  Hall  from  the  Ninete  nth 
Assembly  District  on  Adjutant-General  Josiah  Porter's  stair  at  the  inauguration  of  Grover 
Cleveland  in  Washington,  March  4,  1893.  He  is  a  member  of  the  Colonial  Club,  New  fork 
Athletic  Democratic  and  Catholic  Clubs,  and  Priendlj  Sons  of  St.  Patrick,  Pontiai  Club  of 
the  Nineteenth  Assembly  District,  and  the  West   End  Association. 

Kenny,  William  John  Knight — This  popular  editor  and  political  manager  was  born  In 

New   York,   in    1851.     He   is    President    of   the   Securities   Advertising  Agency   and    his   i n 

prominently  identified  with  Tammany  Hall  politics  for  fifteen  years,  serving  on  Organiza- 
tion, General  and  District  Committees  and  as  Supervisor  of  the  City  Record.  He  assisted 
in  managing  the  Mayoralty  campaign  of  Hugh  .1.  Grant  and  Robert  A.  Van  Wyck,  and  has 
be. mi  at  different  periods  city  editor  New  York  Herald,  law  reporter  and  political  writer 
New  York  Times,  city  editor  Journal  and  New  York  Press,  in  1898  Mr.  Kenny  managed  the 
campaign   which    resulted   in   the  election  of   William   Astor  Chanler  to   Congress. 

King,  Vincent  C.  Sr.— A  life-long  member  of  the  Tammany  Society,  born  in  Wilton, 
Saratoga  County,  N.  Y.,  and  came  to  New  York  at  the  age  of  two  years.  Entering  the 
employ  of  his  father  in  the  manufacture  of  plaster,  he  remained  In  the  same  business 
under  the  firm  name  of  V.  C.  &  C.  V.  King  until  bis  death  in  18D;.  Mr.  King  was  a  pioneer 
Democrat  of  the  old  Ninth  Ward,  a  foreman  of  No.  23  Volunteer  Hose,  a  member  of  the 
Legislature  and  a  Commissioner  of  the  New  York  Fire  Department.  His  son  Vincent  C. 
King,  Jr.,  continues  the  business. 

Knox,  Cuari.es  H. — President  of  the  Municipal  Board  of  Civil  Service  Commissioners, 
was  born  in  this  city,  and  is  now  in  his  forty-sixth  year.  He  is  a  lawyer  and  the  senior 
member  of  the  law  firm  of  Knox  and  Woodward.  In  1884  he  ran  for  Judge  of  the  Court  of 
Common  Pleas,  but  was  defeated.  In  1S91  he  was  appointed  by  Mayor  Grant  as  a  School 
Commissioner,  and  was  reappointed  by  Mayor  Gilroy  in  1894.  In  January,  1894,  the  Board 
of  Education  chose  him  as  President,  and  again  in  1895.  He  resigned  in  July,  1895.  In  1896 
he  became  a  member  of  Tammany  Hall.  Mr.  Knox  was  appointed  Civil  Service  Commis- 
sioner by  Mayor  Van  Wyck,  and  is  Pn  sident  of  the  Board. 

La  Fetra,  Edward  B.— Lawyer,  born  in  Eatontown,  N.  J.,  in  1866,  and  has  been  a 
member  of  Tammany  Hall  for  twelve  years,  serving  on  Committee  on  Organization  and 
General  Committee;    number  of  Assembly  from  Eighteenth   Assembly   District   in   1894  95. 


312 

Lane,  Smith  E. — Born  in  this  city  in  1829;  was  educated  at  the  University  of  the 
City  of  New  York,  and  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1852.  Has  been  actively  engaged  in  politics 
since  1852  with  the  Democratic  party,  frequently  a  delegate  to  the  State  Conventions,  an 
old  member  of  the  Society  of  Tammany,  or  Columbian  Order,  and  a  member  of  the  Tam- 
many Hall  General  Committee  for  thirty  years.  Appointed  a  Park  Commissioner  in  1878 
for  five  years,  and  in  1898  appointed  Commissioner  of  the  new  East  River  Bridge,  subse- 
quently being  elected  Secretary. 


Lantry  Francis  J. — Has  always  been  a  Tammany  Hall  Democrat.  He  was  elected 
Alderman  in  the  year  1892,  and  was  re-elected  two  years  later;  at  the  expiration  of  his 
second  term  he  was  appointed  by  Mayor  "Van  Wyck  Commissioner  of  Correction.-  He  was 
born  January  8,  1859,  and  was  formerly  connected  with  the  meat  industry.  He  was  Master 
Workman  of  Local  Assembly  9,797,  and  was  Delegate  to  District  Assembly  49  for  three 
years. 


Lardner,  William  J.— was  born  in  this  city  in  185S,  received  his  education  at  St. 
Francis  Xavier  College  and  the  University  of  the  City  of  New  York.  Mr.  Lardner  cast  his 
first  vote  in  1879  for  the  late  John  Kelly,  Democratic  candidate  for  Governor,  and  has 
since  been  a  strict  Tammany  Hall  man.  He  has  been  on  the  General  Committee  of  the 
Sixteenth  Assembly  District  (now  the  Eighteenth).  He  never  held  public  office,  except 
that  of  Deputy  Attorney-General  conferred  upon  him  as  a  personal  compliment  by  Mr. 
Croker. 


Leventritt,  David— Justice  of  Supreme  Court,  born  in  South  Carolina  in  1845;  came  to 
New  York  in  1854;  has  been  a  prominent  member  of  Tammany  Hall  for  many  years  and  a 
lawyer  of  national  reputation;    elected  Justice  of  Supreme  Court  in  1898. 


Levey,  Edgar  J—  Was  born  in  this  city  in  1863;  graduated  from  Columbia  College 
In  1883  and  from  Columbia  Law  School  in  1886;  appointed  Secretary  to  the  Comptroller  In 
1891;  Assistant  Deputy  Comptroller  in  1893,  and  Deputy  Comptroller  in  1898. 

Lewis,  John  M.— Born  in  Maiden.  N.  Y..  in  1837,  and  educated  at  Phillips  Academy, 
Andover.  Williams  College,  and  New  York  University;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1858; 
appointed  Assistant  District  Attorney  in  1894.  He  served  in  the  War  of  the  Rebellion  and 
is  a  member  of  Lafayette  Post,  G.  A.  R.,  Manhattan  Club.  Larchmont  Yacht  Club.  Grand 
Lodge  and  Grand  Chapter  of  Connecticut,  and  the  Veteran  Association  and  Society  of  War 
Veterans  of  the  Seventh  Regiment.  Mr.  Lewis  has  been  for  many  years  a  member  of  the 
General  Committee  of  Tammany  Hall. 

Logan,  Walter  S.—  Was  born  at  Washington,  Conn.,  in  1847.  Graduated  from  Yale  In 
Class  of  1870;  from  Harvard  Law  School  in  1871,  and  from  Columbia  Law  School,  1872, 
being  one  of  the  few  holding  sheepskins  from  three  of  our  great  universities.  Regan  prac- 
tice of  law  in  office  of  James  C.  Carter,  assisting  Charles  O'Connor  in  the  famous  Jumel 
case,  and  prizes  his  association  with  these  great  lawyers  beyond  measure.  Mr.  Logan  has 
been  engaged  in  many  noted  litigations  in  the  State  and  United  States  Courts,  and  is 
Presidenl  of  the  Ne-n  York  State  Bar  Association  and  chairman  of  Committee  on  Com- 
mercial Law  Of  American  Association,  and  member  Of  num. 'ions  literary,  social  and 
political   organizations. 


Lydecker,  Charles  Edward.— This  popular  lawyer  was  born  in  New  York  City.  1851; 
was  educated  in  the  City  College  and  graduated  from  the  Columbia  College  Law  School  in 
1871  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1873.  He  has  tried  many  Important  eases  and  is  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Manhattan.  Reform,  Lawyers',  Underwriters'.  Bar  Association,  and  life  member 
of  the  State  Bar  of  New  York.  In  military  life  he  held  rank  of  Major  in  the  Seventh  R<  gi 
ment,  of  which  he  was  a  member  twenty-seven  years. 


McAdam,  ri 

'l  II  >\l 

the  Supreme  C 

ourl 

was  a  member 

of  T 

313 

Martin,  Bernard  F.    State  Senator  Bernard  F    Martin  wa     bon    In  In 

''■' '"  ■N''''»    ?ork  in  L849.     He  received  I1I1   earlj   1  due  ition  In  th     pu 

dtj  and  Immedlatelj   after  leaving  scl 1  he  entered  upon  an  active  bu 

8 S  as  an  employee  In  th Ice  ol   lsaa<    Lohman,  wh Ii   coi ,         1,, 

L861,  al   the  first  call  tor  volunteers,  tie  responded  nobly,  enlisting   Ii Thli 

New  S"ork.     Ait.,-  the  war  Mr.  Martin  k  a  position  with  the  New    STork   Ni        1 

as  manager  01  the  wholesale  department,  which  position  he  occupied  until   L870     He  was 

clerk  of  the  Health  Department  Crom  1875  i.>  L880,     in  thai  yeai   hi    I •    1 

was  then  the  Seventh  District,     He  was  then  successively   Alderman,  Coi ir,  Ordei  ol    \< 

resl  cink,  Deputy  Commissioner  <>r  Public  Works,  CommisBi r  ol  Jui  n      Polli      1 

and  then  Senator.     11.'  is  still  leader  of  ins  district,  now  th.-  Fifth. 

McAdam,  David    One  of  the   besl   know,,  judges  or  the  Supremi    Court,   wai    Dorn  in 

tins  city   in   is.'.s;    admitted  to  th.-  bar  in   1859,  and  elected  u] the   Democri ikel  as 

Justice  of  the  Marino  Court  in  is,.:,  and  re  elected  in  L879  .in. 1  iss*.  [n  1890  he  was  «lected 
a  Judge  of  the  Superior  Court,  now  th,  Supn  me  Court,  where  he  still  pri  Idei  11. ■  is  an 
eloquent  speaker  and  lecturer,  and  has  given  valuable  aid  to  the  party,  both  on  the  plat- 
form and  as  an  adviser. 

.—Lawyer,  born  in  this  city   in  1863,  son  of  Hon.   David  McAdam 
in  h;    takes  an  active  Interesl  in  politics,  and  Cor  a   number  of  years 
nmany  Hall  General  Committee  from  the  old  Thirteenth   District. 

McCall,  A.  O.— Clerk  of  the  Supreme  Court,  Mr.  A.  O.  McCaJll,  was  born  in  the  City  of 
Albany  on  the  14th  day  of  July,  1865.  He  received  his  primary  education  in  the  public 
schools  of  Albany  and  graduated  from  the  Albany  High  School,  class  of  1885.  Immediately 
after  his  graduation  Mi-.  McCall  began  the  study  of  law  in  the  office  of  Hon.  D.  Cady  Her- 
rick  now  a  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  subsequently  studied  in  the  offices  of  Peck- 
ham,  Rosendale  &  Hessberg.  After  two  years'  course  in  the  New  York  University  he  re- 
ceived the  degree  of  DL.B.  from  that  institution.  In  1889  County  Clerk  Edward  Reilly  ap- 
pointed Mr.  McCall  a  clerk  of  the  Supreme  Court.  The  Appellate  Division  subsequently  re- 
appointed him,  and  he  still  holds  that  important  position. 

McCall  Edward  E.— Was  born  in  Albany,  the  capital  city,  in  January,  1863,  and  has 
been  a  resident  of  this  city  for  the  past  twenty  years.  He  attended  the  University  of  the 
City  of  New  York  and  graduated  from  the  law  school  of  that  college.  Mr.  McCall  has  the 
reputation  of  being  one  of  the  best  real  estate  lawyers  in  the  United  States,  having  had 
the  distinction  of  being  connected  with  three  of  the  largest  insurance  companies  in  the 
world,  and  in  each  of  the  three  being  in  charge  of  the  real  estate  interests.  He  was  first 
connected  with  the  Mutual,  then  with  the  Equitable,  and  latterly  with  the  New  York  Life 
Insurance  Company.  Mr.  McCall  is  a  member  of  various  social  and  political  organizations 
and  is  a  member  of  the  Tammany  Society. 

McCarthy,  John  Henry— Judge  of  the  City  Court;  was  a  member  of  the  Assembly  in 
1880  and  also  in  1881,  and  he  was  the  only  Democrat  on  three  committees,  the  Judiciary, 
second  highest  committee  in  1880  and  1881,  the  Committee  on  Two-Thirds  Bills,  composed 
of  the  Speaker,  Husted,  and  the  leading  members  of  the  Assembly,  and  Trades  and  Manu- 
factures. In  the  fall  of  1889  he  again  ran  against  Timothy  J.  Campbell,  who  was  then  Con- 
gressman, and  who  had  the  Republican  and  Democratic  nominations  for  the  Fifty-first 
Congress,  which  was  presided  over  by  Speaker  Reed,  and  was  elected  by  over  5.S00  major- 
ity. In  1891  he  was  appointed  by  Governor  Hill  as  City  Court  Judge,  and  elected  in 
1892  and  again  re-elected  in  1897  for  ten  years,  receiving  the  largest  majority  on  the  ticket, 
except  Dunn,  who  ran  for  Sheriff,  who  received  about  1,500  votes  more.  McCarthy's  major- 
ity was  over  91,000.  He  was  the  only  one  from  New  York  on  the  Joint  Committee  in  the 
Legislature  on  the  first  street  cleaning  law,  which  was  passed  while  Grace  was  Mayor. 
He  was  also  all  through  the  Conklin  and  Piatt  contest  in  January,  1881.  which  lasted  from 
January  of  that  year  to  July  of  the  same. 

McCartney,  James — "Was  born  in  the  old  Twenty-first  Ward  in  1858.  and  educated  in 
the  public  schools;  appointed  Superintendent  of  Engineering  Department  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  Public  Works  by  Allen  Campbell;  was  appointed  Street  Cleaning  Commissioner  in 
1897  by  Mayor  Van  Wyck.     Died  in  1900. 


3H 

McClelland,  James  D.— Ex-Assistant  District  Attorney,  born  in  this  city  in  1843;  edu- 
cated in  public  schools;  graduated  from  Mount  Washington  Collegiate  Institute  and  New 
York  University;  has  devoted  himself  to  the  practice  of  criminal  law,  and  has.  as  a  legis- 
lator, introduced  many  reforms  into  the  Criminal  Codes,  notably  the  amendment  providing 
for  bail  at  station  houses  at  all  hours  of  the  night.  He  has  been  an  active  worker  in  the 
interests  of  Tammany  Hall  for  many  years.     Served  in  the  Legislature  lssj-s:: 

McClure,  David— Was  born  at  Dobbs  Ferry,  Westchester  County,  N.  Y.,  in  1848.  He 
studied  law  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  at  about  the  time  he  reached  his  majority,  in  1869, 
and  has  been  engaged  in  the  active  practice  of  his  profession  for  thirty  years.  Mr. 
McClure  is  a  popular  club  man,  being  a  prominent  member  of  the  Manhattan  and  Demo- 
cratic Clubs,  and  also  of  the  Bar  Association. 


McInttre,  John  F. — Ex- Assistant  District  Attorney,  was  born  in  this  city  in  1S55.  His 
education  was  obtained  in  the  public  schools  and  in  St.  Francis  Xavier's  College.  Being 
graduated  from  the  latter  in  1877  with  high  honors,  he  immediately  entered  public  life,  and 
in  1886  he  was  elected  to  the  Legislature  from  the  old  Twenty-second  Assembly  District. 
On  his  return  from  his  legislative  services  at  Albany,  Mr.  Mclntyre  became  cousel  to  the 
Comptroller  of  New  York  City,  and  upon  the  election  of  Delancy  Nicoll  to  the  District 
Attorney's  office  he  was  appointed  by  Nicoll  as  his  assistant,  and  subsequently  he  was 
reappointed  by  Col.  John  R.  Fellows  and  Col.  Gardiner.  Mr.  Mclntyre  has  been  an  active 
member  of  Tammany  Hall  foi  a  number  of  years,  and  has  been  a  delegate  to  all  of  the 
Democratic  State  Conventions  and  to  two  National  Conventions  of  the  party.  He  is  a 
member  of  the  Manhattan,  Democratic  and  Algonquin  Clubs  and  of  many  Irish  societies. 

McKean,  John  Bell.— Justice  McKean  was  born  in  Belfast,  Ireland,  in  1838.  Coming 
to  New  York  when  fifteen  he  engaged  in  mercantile  pursuits  for  some  years,  when  he  was 
appointed  Clerk  of  the  Supreme  Court  Circuit,  Part  I.  While  serving  in  this  capacity  he 
was  admitted  to  the  Bar  in  1864.  Was  afterwards  appointed  Clerk  in  Police  Court,  where 
he  served  many  years,  until  Governor  Hill,  in  1889,  appointed  him  Justice  of  the  Seventh 
Judicial  District  Court.  One  year  thereafter  the  people  elected  him  to  fill  the  unexpired 
term  of  Justice  Monell  by  a  plurality  of  2,010  votes,  and  re-elected  him  in  1893  by  a  plural- 
ity of  6,589.  In  1899  he  was  appointed  Justice  of  Special  Sessions,  First  Division,  which 
position  he  now  holds.  The  Judge  is  an  old  and  honored  member  of  Tammany,  of  the 
Democratic,  Algonquin  and  other  clubs  and  benevolent  and  social  organizations. 

McQuade,  John — Forty-eight  years  a  Tammany  man,  former  Police  Justice,  former 
chief  of  Tammany  Hall,  former  Alderman,  was  born  in  Ireland  on  Christmas  Day,  1827. 
His  parents  brought  him  to  America  two  years  later.  He  was  the  Father  of  the  Council 
and  a  Sachem  of  the  Tammany  Society  for  many  years.  When  Mr.  Richard  Croker  re- 
signed the  Chairmanship  of  the  Finance  Committee  of  that  body,  Mr.  McQuade  was  chosen 
fro  succeed  him.  In  1868  he  was  elected,  .and  in  1869  re-elected,  as  Alderman  from  the 
Yorkville  district,  where  he  still  resides.  From  1870  to  1872  he  served  as  Police  Justice, 
until  legislated  out  of  office.  He  was  leader  of  the  old  Twenty-second  Assembly  District, 
and  as  such  organized  the  Jefferson,  now  the  Algonquin  Club,  of  which  he  is  still  a  mem- 
ber.   He  was  elected  Treasurer  of  the  Tammany  organization  in  1890. 

Meyer,  Cord,  Jr.— As  a  successful  business  man  and  Democratic  politician  the  name 
of  Cord  Meyer  is  a  household  word  in  New  York.  He  was  born  at  Newtown  in  1854  "and  is 
a  resident  of  Maspeth,  L.  I.  He  has  been  a  leader  in  State  polities,  a  member  of  the  State 
Executive  Committee,  and  held  various  high  offices  as  a  tribute  from  his  friends,  the  people. 

Meyer,  Peter  F.— Was  born  in  New  York  in  the  year  1S42.  He  received  a  limited 
school  education  and  began  life  as  a  Central  Park  water  boy.  In  1862  Mr.  Meyer  started 
in  the  real  estate  business  at  111  Broadway,  and  has  remained  there  since.  Mayor  Van 
Wyck  appointed  him  Commissioner  of  Docks  and  Ferries  in  1897.  Mr.  Meyer  is  treasurer 
of  the  Tammany  Society,  a  member  of  the  New  York  Athletic,  Democratic  Olympic  and 
Sagamore  Clubs. 


3  '5 

Minsky,  Louis.     LouIb  Mlnskj  wash l  Germany,  but  carm    to   V.m   rli 

youth,     He  la  a  graduate  of  both  a  German    •  i i  and  a   Hebn    .   college,  and  th 

versed  In  the  literature  ol   both  these  language  .  In  addition  to  his  perfect   acqualntanci 
with   English  letters     Earlj    trained   to  business  habits  bj    hli    father,  a     ucci      tul   tnei 
chanl  In  Germany,  Mr.  Mlnsky,  with  a  email  capital  united  with  w 
business  for  himself  In  1880,  and  bj    pei   evi  ram     and  the  exi  n 
has  built  his  business  to  a  great  success.     Mi    Aim  i. .,   |    .,     upportei  and  dli 
charitable  societies  Including  the  Montefoln    Homi    toi    \    ed  Hebn       ,  Mt.  Slnal  J 
Lebanon   Hospital,  Beth  [srael  Hospital,  Hebrew   Charities  and  Correction    I 
leth  Chasodin  Association,  Hebrew  Orphan  Asylum  and  Malboth  Arumlm. 


Mitchell,   Richard  H,     State  Senatoi   from  the  Twentj   flrsi  District,  w> rn  In  this 

citj   and  was  educated  al  thi    Collegi    ol   the  Citj   ol   New    Vfork  and  Columbia   Law   . 
For  the  lasl  six  years  Mi    Mit<  hi  li  has  taken  an  active  pari  In  politics.     He  Is, 
has  i"  en,  a  i  »emocrat. 

Mitchell,  William  P.-  The  printer,  was  born  In  this  city  in  August,  1S4G.  lie  was 
educated  In  the  public  schools  and  the  Colleg  ol  the  Citj  ol  New  fork.  From  1876  to  i«80 
he  was  Clerk  oi  the  Fourth  Districl  Court,  and  in  1880  he  was  appointed  Exi  Ise  Commis- 
sioner, and  served  for  three  years  .is  President  of  the  Board.  He  served  an  additional 
term  of  three  years  us  Commissi r.  He  was  a  membei  ol  the  Democrats  State  Com- 
mute* Hum  1880  to  L884,  and  tor  twenty-two  years  has  been  Chairman  of  the  Tenth 
Assemblj  District,  Democratic  Genera]  Committee.  He  Is  a  member  of  the  General  Com- 
mittee of  Tammanj  Hall  from  the  Tenth  District,  the  Di  mo<  ratic  and  i  iccidental  Clubs  of 
the  Citj   of  New   York. 

Moebus,  A  ..LSI  Park  Commissioner  Borough  ol  the  Bronx,  was  born  In  this  city  in 
1850.  bias  always  been  a  stanch  Demoi  rat  and  a  member  of  the  Tammany  Hall  organiza- 
tion for  twenty-six  years;   elected  a  member  of  the  Board  of  Aldermen  in  l*yu  and  181)1. 

Moonet,  John  11.  Expert  Accountant  for  Queens  County,  among  many  other  public 
offices  ..1  trust  held  by  Mr.  Moonej  was  that  of  Commissioner  of  Accounts  of  tins  city. 
Mr.  Mooney  is  acknowledged  to  be  one  oi   the  best  accountants  in  the   United  States. 

Moore,  William  F— Judge  Third  District  Municpal  Court,  was  born  in  1855;  ap- 
pointed tu  present  position  in  1890;  elected  in  1891,  and  again  in  L893  and  in  1900;  is  a  mem- 
ber of  Tammany  Society,  and  Chairman  of  Tammanj  Hall  Gem  ral  Committee  In  the  Fifth 
District. 

Morgan,  Rollin  M. — Was  born  in  Mt.  Vernon,    Ohio,    in    is.",:.     Came    to    New     STork 
in  1878,  and  is  a  graduate  of  the  Columbia  Law  School.    He  is  a  prominent   Democratic 
politician;  a  lawyer  of  marked  ability;  a  member  of  many  clubs,  including  the  Commi 
the  Manhattan,  Democratic,  and  the  Ohio  and  Tammany  Societies. 

Moriartt,  Thaddeus— Native  of  Ireland.  He  came  to  New  York,  however,  at  the  age 
of  eight  years,  and  received  his  primary  education  in  the  schools  of  this  city.  In  1875  he 
was  appointed  School  Trustee,  representing  the  Seventh  Waul,  in  1878,  Mayor  Smith  Ely- 
appointed  him  School  Commissioner.  He  was  reapointed  to  the  Commissionership,  suc- 
cessively, by  Mayor  Hugh  J.  Grant  and  Mayor  Thomas  F.  Gilroy.  He  is  a  member  of  the 
Tammany  Society  and  of  the  Catholic  and  Sgamore  Clubs.  Mr.  Moriarty  was  again 
appointed  School  Commissioner  by  Mayor  Van  Wyek  in  1899. 


Motley,  Thornton  N.—  Mr.  Motley  is  a  well-known  merchant  of  New  York,  who  was 
born  in  this  city  in  1859.  He  has  been  a  member  of  Tammany  Hall  about  six  years  and  has 
served  on  General  Committees  and  in  the  organization  work  of  the  various  Democratic 
campaigns,  in  which  he  has  shown  his  faithfulness  to  party  and  to  friends.  In  public 
office  he  has  been  Commissioner  of  the  Bureau  of  Statistics,  and  in  private  life  is  highly 
esteemed. 


3i6 

Mulqueen,  Michael  J.-Born  in  the  Seventh  Ward  in  1857.  He  attended  Public  School 
No.  2,  and  continued  his  studies  at  Cooper  Union  and  the  Columbia  College  Law  School, 
and  then  read  law  in  the  office  of  Judge  A.  J.  Dittenhoefer.  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar 
in  1883.  In  1894  Mr.  Mulqueen  was  elected  a  delegate  to  the  Constitutional  Convention.  He 
is  a  Tammany  Hall  Democrat,  a  member  of  the  General  Committee  of  the  Thirty-first 
Assembly  District  and  a  member  of  the  Committee  on  Organization.  He  belongs  to  the 
Manhattan.   Democratic,   Catholic  and   Sagamore  Clubs. 

Mundorf,  George  H.— Was  born  in  1860  in  the  City  of  New  York.  He  received  his 
early  education  in  the  public  schools  of  this  city,  and  later  graduated  from  the  College  of 
the  City  of  New  York.  He  entered  into  active  business  life  in  1887,  succeeding  his  father 
in  the  wholesale  and  retail  grocery  business.  Mr.  Mundorf  has  always  taken  an  active 
interest  in  politics.  In  1897  he  was  nominated  by  the  Democratic  party  for  Alderman  and 
made  a  good  race  in  a  district  which  was  almost  hopelessly  Republican.  In  1S9S  he  was 
appointed  Councilman,  to  fill  the  vacancy  caused  by  the  death  of  Charles  F.  Allen. 

Murphy,  Charles  F.—  Mr.  Murphy,  one  of  the  successful  Democratic  leaders  of  the 
Eighteenth  Assembly  District,  is  one  of  the  popular  members  of  Tammany  Hall.  He 
was  born  in  New  York  in  1858  and  has  lived  in  his  district  all  his  life.  He  was  selected  as 
leader  in  1892,  and  was  appointed  Dock  Commissioner  in  1898. 

Murphy,  Col.  Michael.— Ex-President  of  the  Health  Board  and  Police  Commissioner, 
was  born  in  Limerick,  Ireland,  in  1841.  In  the  fall  of  1866  Col.  Murphy  was  elected  to  tne 
Legislature,  and  after  that  he  rapidly  added  political  reputation  to  previously  acquired 
military  fame.  Always  popular  among  his  constitutents,  he  was  repeatedly  re-elected,  and 
continued  to  represent  the  lower  part  of  the  city  in  the  Assembly  and  Senate  for  fourteen 
years.  The  Colonel  has  never  lived  out  of  the  First  Assembly  District.  He  has  been  a 
member  of  Tammany  Hall  since  the  disbandment  of  the  County  Democracy.  He  has  been 
an  Excise  Commissioner,  Clerk  of  the  First  District  Civil  Court,  and  was  appointed  on  the 
Health  Board  in  1898.  He  is  a  member  of  Shiloh  Post,  G.  A.  R.,  the  Loyal  Legion.  Presi- 
dent of  the  "Hickory  Club,"  and  is  the  possessor  of  the  most  highly  prized  "Congressional 
Medal  of  Honor"  for  gallantry  in  action. 

Nagle,  Dr.  John  T.— Chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Municipal  Statistics,  was  born  in  1S43; 
appointed  Assistant  Sanitary  Inspector  in  1869;  promoted  to  Sanitary  Inspector,  Deputy 
Register  of  Records  and  Register  of  Records,  Bureau  of  Vital  Statistics,  in  succession; 
appointed  to  present  position  in  1898.  Dr.  Nagle  has  been  a  member  of  Tammany  Society 
for  many  years,  and  is  Sagamore  of  same. 

Nixon,  Lewis— Commissioner  of  the  new  East  River  Bridge,  Is  a  graduate  of  the 
United  States  Naval  Academy,  and  is  one  of  the  ablest  naval  constructors  in  the  wond. 
He  is  a  thorough  Democrat  and  an  indefatigable  worker  for  the  party. 

Norton,  Sheridan  S.— A.  B.,  A.  M.,  L.  L.B.,  was  born  in  New  York  City  in  1874,  and 
educated  in  St.  Francis  Xavier  College  and  Columbia  Law  School;  admitted  to  Bar  in  1896. 

Oakley,  John  T. — Councilman  Oakley  is  a  native  of  New  York,  having  been  born  in 
this  city  in  1863.  He  received  his  early  education  in  the  public  schools.  Soon  after  gradua- 
ting from  them  he  entered  the  College  of  the  City  of  New  York.  At  an  early  age  he  entered 
into  active  business  association  with  his  father,  with  whom  he  was  in  partnership.  In  1895 
his  father  retired,  and  Mr.  Oakley  has  since  conducted  the  business  alone.  When  but 
twenty-one  years  of  age  he  was  appointed  index  clerk  in  the  Register's  office  by  Register 
Reilly.  Since  then  he  has  held  the  responsible  positions  of  clerk  in  the  law  divisions  of  the 
Custom  House,  deputy  clerk  of  Internal  Revenue  under  President  Cleveland's  first  admin- 
istration, and  complaint  and  correspondence  clerk  in  the  Department  of  Street  Cleaning. 
In  1892  he  was  persuaded  to  resign  this  position  and  accept  the  nomination  for  Alderman 
and  was  elected  by  a  majority  of  3,700.  In  1894  he  was  again  nominated  and  elected  Alder- 
man, and  in  1897  he  was  elected  Councilman  in  the  First  District.  Mr.  Oakley  has  been 
leader  of  the  Fourteenth  District  for  the  past  six  years. 

O'Brien.  Miles  M.  School  Commissioner,  born  in  Ireland  in  1851.  One  of  Tammany 
Hall's  most  influentiall  members  for  many  years,  and  has  taken  a  leading  part  in  munici- 
pal affairs;  member  of  H.  B.  Claflin  Co.,  dry  goods  merchants.  Is  president  of  the  board 
of  School  Commissioners. 


3»7 

i  i'Bribn,  John  P.    i  Iraduat  d  In  1894  from  tin    Holy  Cri  n  Worcestei 

with  the  degrt I  A.B.,  and  afterward  took  a   post  graduate  com   e   In   thi    Q 

University,  receiving  the  deg \  m  .  In  L89G     Hi    gi  iduated   with  honoi     In  both 

tutiona.     II  ■  later  attended  the  Georgetown  University  La*  Bel i  and  k  thi     i 

L.L.  B.  In  l897.     During  the  law  Bchool  c he  taught  b  i  la      In  thi    prepi \  d<  pari 

menl  of  Hie  University,     in  1898  he  was  adtmitted  to  the  bar  and  took  up  the  practl 
law  In  tins  city.     Mr,  O'Brien  is  prei  Idenl  ol   the  Leo  Club,  la  a  membei   ol   thi 
Georgetown  Alumni  In  New    7ork  and  Knlghl     of  Columbus.     He  is  greatlj    Inten    ti 
the  College  Men's  Democratic  Club,  havln     been  mad       n  h  ce-presldenri    if  the 

organization,     Mr.  O'Brien  is  secretary  of  the  Speakers'  Club  of  thi    Twentj   fli    I    \ 
District  and  a  member  of  the  Tammanj    Hall  General  Committee. 

O'Brien,  James  W.  Editor  and  publisher,  born  In  Ireland,  L846;  pesides  in  the  Seven- 
teenth Assembly  District,  and  has  been  a  membei  of  Tammany  Hall  for  fifteen  years, 
serving  on  various  committees;     elected  a  member  of  Tammanj   Socletj   In  1897. 

O'Brien,  Morgan  J,  Justice  of  the  Appellate  Division  ol  the  Supreme  Court,  born  In 
New  York  in  1852;  made  Corporation  Counsel  of  the  city  in  1887,  and  elected  Justice  of  the 
Superior  Court   in  isss;  appointed  Justice  of  the  Appellate   Division,  Supreme  Court,  in  1895. 

O'Dwyek,  Edward  F.  Judge  of  the  City  Court,  was  born  In  New  York  in  1860;  elected 
Alderman  in  1884;  elected  to  the  City  Court  Bench  in  1895  and  re-elected  in  1897.  Has  been 
Vice-President  of  the  Democratic  Club  tor  eight  years. 

O'Gorman,  James  A.— Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  born  in  the  City  of  New  York  on 
May  5,  I860;  was  educated  in  the  public  schools,  the  College  of  the  City  of  New  York  and 
the  Law  Department  oi  the  New  York  University,  from  which  institution  he  was 
graduated  in  May,  1SS2.  In  the  same  month  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar;  was  elected 
Justice  .Municipal  Court  in  1893,  and  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  in  1899.  He  was  a  dele- 
gate to  the  National  Democratic  Convention  in  Chicago  in  1896,  and  was  a  loyal  and  active 
supporter  of  the  Bryan  and  Sewall  ticket.  He  is  a  member  of  the  Democratic  Club,  the 
Tammany  Society,  the  Catholic  Club,  the  New  York  Athletic  Club  and  numerous  fraternal 
and   patriotic  organizations. 

Olendorp,  Charles  Dewey— Born  in  Otsego  County  in  1856  and  received  his  early 
education  at  the  Academy  in  Cooperstown.  While  there,  Mr.  Olendorf  read  law  with 
Judge  Harris  and  was  admitted  to  the  liar  at  Albany  in  1879.  Mr.  Olendorf  was  appointed 
Assistant  Counsel  to  the  City  Corporation  in  July  1889,  and  since  that  time  has  been  at  the 
head  of  the  Condemnation  Bureau  of  the  office,  where  all  matters  pertaining  to  the  acquisi- 
tion of  land  for  public  purposes,  such  as  public  parks,  school,  engine,  station  and  court 
house  sites  are  transacted. 

Oppenheim,  Myron-  H.— Lawyer,  born  in  Albany,  N.  Y.,  1S59;  graduate  of  Columbia 
College;  has  been  a  member  of  Tammany  Hall  and  Tammany  Society  for  a  number  of 
years  and  has  served  on  Genera!  Committee  most  of  the  time;  member  of  Democratic, 
Narragansett,  Lambs,  West  End,  Pontiac,  Dry  Goods,  Wool  Club,  Wwight  Alumni,  Albany 
Society  and  many  other  clubs. 

Osborne,  James  W. — Assistant  District  Attorney  Osborne  was  born  in  Charlotte,  x.  c. . 
in  1S59,  is  a  graduate  of  Davidson  College  and  of  the  Law  School  of  Columbia  College.  New 
York.  His  experience  has  been  great,  being  assistant  of  Delancy  Nicoll,  Colonel  John  R. 
Fellows,  Olcott,  Colonel  Asa  Bird  Gardiner,  and  of  the  present  incumbent.  He  is  a  staunch 
Democrat  and  prominent  member  of  all  Democratic  clubs. 

O'Sullivan.  William  Joseph,  M.  D. — Medico-legal  specialist,  was  born  in  the  city  of 
Cork,  Ireland,  June  1,  1858.  son  of  William  Murtagh,  M.  D..  and  Monica  (O'Bryan)  O'Sulli- 
van. He  was  educated  at  St.  Fin  Barr's  Seminary,  Cork,  and  the  universities  of  Edinburgh 
and  London,  and  having  taken  both  medical  and  veterinary  degrees,  in  1882  he  came  to  the 
United  States.  In  this  country  he  continued  his  professional  studies  at  Yale,  entered  the 
medical  school  of  that  university,  in  which  he  graduated  with  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Medi- 
cine in  1888,  and  pursuing  a  course  in  the  law  school  received  the  degree  of  Bachelor  of 
Laws  in  1S90.  With  this  equipment  Dr.  O'Sullivan  entered  upon  the  practice  of  law,  first 
in  Connecticut  where  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar  late  in  1890,  and  subsequently  in  Ww 
York  in  1891,  where  he  came  prominently  into  public  notice  by  his  masterly  handling  of  the 
expert  chemical  testimony  in  the  Buchanan  poison  case.  He  has  been  identified  with  Tam- 
many Hall  ever  since  his  residence  in  New  Yoik.  and  is  also  a  member  of  the  Tammany 
Society. 


Ottendorffr.  Oswald— Born  February  26,  1S26.  in  Zwittau,  County  of  Mehren,  Austria. 
Educated  at  the  University  of  Vienna,  from  which  he  went  to  Prague  to  study  law.  Came 
to  America,  where  he  found  himself  in  New  York  friendless,  penniless  and  without  a 
knowledge  of  the  English  language.  Subsequently  he  obtained  a  clerkship  in  the  office  of 
the  8taat8  Zeitung,  where  by  industry  and  ability  he  was  promoted  until  he  became  its 
chief  editor.  The  Staats  Zeitung  is  now  a  stock  company,  and  a  controlling  interest  in  the 
paper  is  held  by  Mr.  Ottendorfer's  family.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Committee  of 
Seventy  in  1872,  and  at  one  time  held  the  position  of  a  member  of  the  Board  of  Aldermen. 
He  was  a  member  of  the  Manhattan.  City,  Century,  Reform,  Commonwealth  and  Patria 
Clubs,  the  Lieder  Kranz  and  American  Geographical  Societies  and  the  chief  organizer  and 
leader  of  the  German-American  Reform  Union.     Died  in  1900. 

Owen,  Edward. — Was  born  of  Southern  parents  in  Cincinnatti,  Ohio  and  was  educated 
in  the  schools  of  that  city  and  in  Kenyon  College.  He  was  a  gallant  soldier  during  the 
war,  and  since  his  residence  was  established  in  New  York  has  been  conspicuous  as  Com- 
missioner of  Accounts,  where  his  record  has  been  of  the  best,  and  he  has  been  retained  for 
many  terms  at  the  urgent  requests  of  prominent  citizens.  Mr.  Owen  is  a  model  Democrat 
as  well  as  a  favorite  official. 

Page,  William  H.,  Jr.— Born  in  Paris,  France,  of  American  parents,  then  traveling 
abroad,  in  1861;  resides  in  the  Twenty-first  Assembly  District,  and  has  been  a  member  of 
Tammany  Hall  and  Tammany  Society  since  1897. 

Patrick,  John  H. — Was  born  at  Albany,  and  was  educated  in  the  public  schools  of 
New  York.  He  joined  the  Tammany  Society  in  1876  and  was  elected  Sachem  for  1895,  1896 
and  1897.  Was  also  Chairman  of  the  present  Twenty-second,  and  former  Twentieth 
Assembly  District  for  over  fifteen  years,  and  now  resides  in  the  Twenty-third.  Mr. 
Patrick  has  been  a  New  York  merchant  for  forty  years,  and  is  now  President  and  Treas- 
urer of  the  American  Tool  Chest  Company,  located  at  200  West  Houston  street. 

Penfield,  William  Warner — Justice  of  the  Municipal  Court  of  the  First  District  of 
the  Bronx,  was  born  in  New  Rochelle  in  1858.  His  early  education  was  received  in  the 
public  schools  of  his  native  place.  He  later  entered  Yale  College,  being  graduated  from 
there,  with  the  highest  honors  in  1879.  South  Mount  Vernon,  now  known  as  Wakefield, 
owes  most  of  its  growth  to  the  efforts  of  Mr.  Penfield;  and  the  people  of  that  place  have 
repeatedly  shown  their  appreciation  of  his  worth  by  conferring  on  him  all  the  honors  in 
their  power  to  give— the  Presidency,  the  Chieftainship  of  the  Fire  Department,  the  respon- 
sible office  of  Corporation  Counsel,  and  many  others. 

Penny,  William  N.— Clerk  of  the  Court  of  Generail  Sessions.  In  1883  he  resign..!  the 
city  editorship  of  the  Daily  Vews  to  accepl  the  appointment  of  private  secretary  to  that 
worthy  exponent  of  Democracy,  John  McKeon,  then  District  Attorney,  of  this  city.  He 
retained  this  position,  earning  a  high  reputation  for  tact,  capacity  and  honesty,  under  Mr. 
McKeon's  successors,  Messrs.  Olney,  Martine  and  Fellows.  When  Judge  James  Fitzgerald 
was  elected  to  the  bench  of  the  Court  of  General  Sessions,  Mr.   Penny  resigned  from   the 

District   Attorney's   office   to   become  Clerk  of  that   court.      Mr.    Penny   lias   always    1 n    a 

Democrat. 

Phelan,  James  J.— Born  in  the  old  Ninth  Ward  in  March,  1847.  He  received  his  early 
education  in  the  public  schools  of  this  city,  then  attended  St.  Francis  Xavier  College.  Mr. 
ph.  lan.  in  ...on.  .Hon  with  ex-Mayor  Grant,  Judge  D.  F.  McMahon,  Alderman  Burke, 
Judge  Dresser  and  Sheriff  John  B.  Sexton  organized  the  Narragansett  Club,  which  was  tin- 
first  club  of  that    nature   to  start    in   this   city.      Mr.    Phelan    was   elected   its   Treasurer, 

Platzek,  M.  Warley— Lawyer,  born  in  North  Carolina  in  1854;  educated  in  Virginia 
High  School  and  under  the  immediate  tutelage  of  Professor  Witherow,  of  South  Carolina. 
When  be  reached  his  majority  he  was  chosen  Assessor  and  Treasurer  of  Marion,  South 
Carolina.  In  1876  he  came  to  this  city  and  entered  the  N>-w  York  CJniversIti  Law  School 
from  which  hi  graduated  one  year  later  with  distinguished  honors.  He  takes  an  activi 
interest  in  politics.  Loins;  a  Coventor  ,,f  the  D  in...  i.ili.  Club  of  the  City  Of  New  York. 
ex  Pi.  si. l.nt  of  the  Progress  Club  and  of  the  Young  Men's  Hebrew  Association  of  this 
city,  ami  also  belongs  to  the  Reform,  Jefferson  and  Mohican  political  clubs  and  many 
prominent  social  clubs  and  benevolent  associations.  He  was  a  delegate  Hom  the  Tenth 
Senatorial  District  In  New  York  City  to  the  Constitutional  Convention  of  the  state  of 
.New    York  in  1894. 


POW  BR,    M  11    RII   I    .1 

appointed  Justice  ol    P 

Shipping  <  lommiasl i 

si r  in  1891  and  re  a] 

protegpe  of  the  late  Sa 
organization. 


I  'RESSl  NQER,    A  i  sri  N    B,      1  tB  w  J 

of  the  Democratic  and  Century  Cy 

meni ;   resides  In  the  Twentj   flrsl    Assembly    1 1 


1880,  "i\  Ing    toi    ten    yt  a 

i 

made    United 

if  New    'i  "i  k   in   1898;    appi 

n,i 

d    \.pi.  duel    ' 

yor  Van  Wyi  b  In  1898.    Jui 

Igi 

i 

.  and  has  alwaj i    been   he 

Id   i 

bj    the 

fi  idu  tte  of  Columbia   Coll 

Law    Si  i i .   member 

Fii    i   Lieuti  ii.ini  i ' 

om] 

ianj    i ..  Si  i  i  nth  Regl 

Raegener,  Louis  C.  Was  born  In  New  fork  Cltj  April  29,  1856,  and  i  eduacted  In 
the  New    Fork  public  schools.     He  graduated   with  honors  from  Columbia   College  In   1876 

and  n  ceived  the  degree  of  A.M.    He  also  graduated  from  the  Columbia  Law  Scl I  In  1878, 

was  admitted  to  the  bar  In  the  sum.-  year,  and  has  practiced  law  evei  since  in  N 
city.  His  liist  partner  was  Judge  P.  Henry  Dugro,  with  whom  he  practiced  i 
years.  When  Judge  Dugro  was  elevated  to  the  bench  he  formed  a  partnership  with  Paul 
Goepel,  Esq.,  under  the  Arm  name  of  Goepel  &  Raegener,  and  remained  a  member  of  thai 
firm  until  January  I,  1901,  when  he  joined  the  firm  of  Dickerson  &  Brown,  under  the  Arm 
name  of  Dickerson,  Brown  &  Raegener,  with  offices  at  141  Broadway.  Mr.  Raegener  is  a 
member  of  the  Tammany  Society  and  lias  been  for  more  than  fifteen  years.  He  is  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Democratic  Club,  of  the  New  York  Bar  Association  and  of  the  German  Club. 
For  meritorious  services  rendered  to  the  Venezuelan  Republic  in  1894  he  received  the  decor- 
ation of  "Busto  del  Libertador." 

Ransom,  RaSTUS  S.— Lawyer;  born  in  Mount  Hawley.  111.,  in  1839;  closely  identified 
with  Tammany  Hall  since  1877;  served  on  General  Committee,  Committee  on  Organization 
and  other  committees;    ex-Surrogate  County  of  New    y/ork. 


Rasines,  Antonio  One  of  the  founders  of  the  Twelfth  Ward  Bank  and  Twelfth  Ward 
Savings  Hank  in  Harlem;  Director  and  Vice-President  of  Twelfth  Ward  Hank  for  main 
years,  and  President  Savings  bank,  born  in  this  city  in  1847;  resides  in  the  Nineteenth 
Assembly  District,  and  has  been  prominently  identified  with  Tammany  Hall  for  many 
years;  was  School  Trustee  Twelfth  Ward  for  eleven  years,  and  is  new  Commissioner 
Municipal  Statistics.  Member  New  York  Athletic,  Democratic  and  Aldine  Clubs.  Member 
Tammany  Hall  and  Tammany  Society. 

Riordan,  Daniel  J. — This  thorough  New  Yorker  was  bom  in  the  Eighth  District 
in  1869,  received  his  education  in  the  public  schools  and  graduated  from  Manhattan  Col- 
lege  in  1890,  with  high  honors.  He  was  the  regular  Democratic  nominee  for  Congress  from 
the  Eighth;  is  a  member  of  the  Democratic  Club;  President  of  the  Patrick  J.  Divver  Asso- 
ciation and  an  influential  and  popular  business  man  and  politician. 


Roesi  it.  George  P.— Judge  of  the  Municipal  Court  for  the  Fourth  District  of  the 
Borough  of  Manhattan,  was  born  in  this  city  on  June  19,  1855,  and  was  educated  in  St. 
Nicholas'  Parochial  School,  De  La  Salle  Institute  of  the  Christian  Brothers  and  Columbia 
Law  University,  and  admitted  to  the  bar  on  October  30,  1876.  He  has  always  been  a  Tam- 
many Hall  Democrat  and  has  been  a  speaker  for  his  party  in  both  the  English  and 
German  languages  since  1874.  He  was  for  three  years  the  member  of  the  Tammany  Hall 
Executive  Committee  from  his  district.  He  was  a  member  of  Assembly  in  1883,  1885,  1888 
and  1SS9.  and  a  Senator  from  1890  to  1S94.  He  was  Chairman  of  the  Senate  Judiciary  Com- 
mittee in  1S92  and  1893. 

Roblee,  Milton.— Was  born  in  Saratoga.  1S63.  He  is  a  graduate  of  the  University  of 
Syracuse.  Mr.  Roblee  is  a  member  of  the  Tammany  Hall  General  Committee  and  the 
Democratic  Club.     He  is  the  well-known  proprietor  of  the  Hotel  Bartholdi. 


320 

Rogan,  John  H.— Was  born  in  New  York  in  1863,  and  after  receiving  a  public  school 
education  studied  law  in  the  office  of  John  McKeon  and  the  late  Justice  Frederick  Smyth. 
He  was  admitted  to  the  bar  at  the  age  of  twenty-one  years.  His  association  with  these 
eminent  lawyers  was  of  great  value  to  him.  As  both  Mr.  McKeon  and  the  late  Justice 
Frederick  Smyth  were  men  of  rare  legal  attainments.  After  Justice  Smyth's  elevation  to 
the  Supreme  Court  bench  in  1895,  Mr.  Rogan  successfully  continued  the  latter's  law  busi- 
ness and  also  continued  a  large  practice  of  his  own.  Mr.  Rogan  is  a  Democrat,  having 
been  a  member  of  the  General  Committee  of  Tammany  Hall  for  many  years,  but  has  never 
held  political  office.  In  addition  to  belonging  to  the  Tammany  Society,  he  is  a  member  of 
the  Society  of  Medical  Jurisprudence,  the  Friendly  Sons  of  St.  Patrick,  the  Driving  Club 
of  New  York  and  the  Jefferson  Club  of  the  Sixteenth  Assembly  District,  of  which  he  is 
treasurer. 

Rogers,  John  Henry — Mr.  Rogers  was  born  in  the  City  of  New  York  in  1863.  He  is 
prominent  as  a  lawyer  and  active  as  a  Democratic  politician  and  counselor  for  various 
societies.  He  has  been  a  member  of  Tammany  Hall  since  1884,  and  of  the  Tammany  Society 
since  1898,  and  has  served  on  the  General  and  Organization  Committees  and  in  other  places 
and  positions  of  important  trust. 

Rowe,  Col.  Wm.  H,  Jr.— Merchant,  born  in  Troy,  N.  Y.;  appointed  Assistant  Quarter- 
master-General of  New  York  State  in  1894  by  Governor  Flower;  member  of  the  firm  of 
W.  H.  Rowe  &  Son,  of  New  York,  one  of  the  largest  commission  firms  in  knit  goods  in  the 
United  States;  one  of  the  leading  Democrats  of  New  York  State,  but  has  never  held  pub- 
lic office. 

Ruppert,  Jacob,  Jr.— Col.  Jacob  Ruppert,  Jr.,  is  one  of  New  York's  famous  nun;  a 
graduate  of  the  Columbia  Grammar  School;  a  popular  politician,  and  Congressman  from 
New  York,  and  one  of  the  most  successful  business  men  of  the  metropolis.  He  is  a  stal- 
wart Democrat  and  staunch  supporter  of  Tammany  Hall,  and  is  deservedly  prominent  in 
official  and  commercial  life. 

Sanders,  Leon— Born  in  Odessa,  Russia,  May  25,  1867.  On  being  admitted  to  the  bar  of 
New  York  with  honorable  mention,  on  the  8th  day  of  November,  1895,  he  resigned  his 
clerkship  in  Commissioner  of  Jurors'  office,  where  he  had  served  for  five  years.  He  is 
well  known  as  one  of  the  leaders  of  Tammany  Hah  in  the  Twelfth  Assembly  District.  He 
was  this  year  member  of  the  Assembly  from  the  Twelfth  Assembly  District.  He  is  a 
member  of  Perfect  Ashlad  Lodge,  No.  604,  F.  and  A.  M.;  Script  Lodge.  Knights  of  Pythias; 
Emanuel  Pisco  Lodge,  I.  O.  B.  A.;  the  Leon  Sanders  Association  (which,  named  after  him, 
occupies  the  handsomely  furnished  clubhouse  at  No.  255  East  Fourth  Street);  Tammany 
Hall  General  Committee;  Thomas  Jefferson  Association;  a  number  of  the  Hebrew  charity 
societies,  and  the  Columbian  Club,  of  which  he  is  President. 

S.'anxell,  George  Florence— Leader  Twenty-fifth  Assembly  District,  "as  born  In  this 
city  in  1860  and  has  been  a  prominent  figure  in  Democratic  circles  since  1881,  serving  on 
many  important  committees;  clerk  in  Fire  Headquarters  for  a  number  of  years  and  for 
past  twelve  years  in  Surrogate's  office. 


Sc  v 


,,.  John  J.     Fire  Commissioner  and  Sachem  of  Tammany  Society, 


lis  city  in  1X4(1.  Mr.  Scannell  is  a  lifelong  Democrat,  has  been  for  twelve  years  the  ram- 
many  Hall  leader  of  what  is  now  the  Twenty-fifth  District.  He  was  appointed  one  ...  the 
Commissioners  of  the  Mulberry  Bend  Park  by  the  Supreme  Court,  and  was  unanimously 
..,„,.„.,,  pr(.si«l.-nt  of  the  Board  by  the  other  members,  who  were  politically  opposed  to  him. 
■He  was  appointed  bj  Mayor  Gilroy  to  till  a  vacancy  In  the  Fire  Board  January  i  1893, 
and  shortly  after  resigned  and  was  then  elected  by  his  colleagues  President  ol  the  Board, 
Reappointed  Fire  Commissioner  by  Mayor  Van  Wyck  in  1898  for  the  whole  of  Greater 
Ni w    York. 

Schuchman    John  l>.  -This  well-known  East  Side  Democrat  was  born  in  Hesse-Darm- 
,,,H    German;    in  L851,  where  he  graduated  from  the  Technical  College.  1868,  the  year  he 

,        to  xvw   Y.„k   and  has  i n  a  resident  of  the  Fourteenth  Assembly  District  ever  since 

rL's  ,'.  Id  Jany  offices;  is  a  capita,  lawyer  and  ,  general  favorite  in  politi,  i,  and  social 
clrcles,     He  is  now  Judge  of  the  Cltj   Court. 


321 

Bcow,  Francib  m      Born   In  the  Cltj   oi    New    Jforh   March   m    1848      Hi    attended   tha 

Thirteenth  Streel   Grammar  Bel I,  the  well  known   No    86,  and  i   from   thi 

"i   the  Cltj   61    New    J  ork   In   1861      Me  then  att<  nded   thi    Columbia   i 

s'' I.  from  which  he  waB  graduated  with  the  degree  ol   i.i.    B    In  1861 i    ■  ..■     idmltted 

to  ""•  bar,  Bim  e  which  time  he  hai   i  ti  adllj   pra i  hi     profi      Ion  In  thl 

he  was  extremely  active  In  pr  imotlng  the  election  ol   Prei  Idenl  Cli  veil and   Mayoi    wu 

bam  R.  Grace,     In  1886,  Mr   Scott,  tor  the  flrsl  time  accepted  public  office    being  api ted 

AssiM.mi  Counsel  to  the  Corporal bj   the  then  Corporation  Counsel,   Hem      I 

In  this  pob n  he  served  under  Mr    Lacombe.  Mi     Morgan  J    O'Brien  and  Mi     Hem 

Beekman,  with  all  of  whom  ins  relations  were  close  and  confidential  .Mr  Bcotl  was 
appointed  Counsel  to  the  Corporation  of/the  Cltj  oi  New  sTork  In  1895,  and  remained  In 
office  until  lus  election  as  a  Justice  ol  the  Supreme  Court,  In   1897 

Scully,    P,  J.    The  Tammany   leader  in   the  Twelfth   Assemblj    Dlstricl    since  1893,  an 

enthusiastic  and   hard-working    Dei a1       Hi    Is    a    life-long   member  of  Tai any,   and 

has  devoted  the  energies  of  his  best  years  to  hard  work  In  its  behalf.     Born  in  New    fork 

Cltj   in  1855.     Entering  upon  a  business  career,  Mr.  Scullj  coi cted  himse  t  with  th 

merclal  house  of  Augustus  Ti r  &    Brother,  where  he  remained  Eor  nearlj   twentj    years 

At  the  expiration  oi  thai  time  he  was  i  mployed  at  the  Custom  House  as  Assistant  cashier, 
a  position  which  he  resigned  in  L888  to  accepl  the  Deputj  Clerkship  In  the  County  Clerk's 
office.     He  was  appointed  City  Clerk  in  1898. 

Shekht,  Edw  ai:i>  C. — Commissioner  of  Taxes  and  Assessments  Edward  C.  Sheehj  .  is  a 
thorough  New  JTorker.  He  was  educated  in  the  public  schools  of  this  city  and  after  grad- 
uation entered  the  real  estate  business  in  which  he  has  continued  these  thirty  years  past, 
and  during  his  time  has  conducted  some  of  the  most  important  and  biggest  deals  ever  re- 
corded on  the  Exchange.  He  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Executive  Committee  of  Tam- 
many Hall  in  1S71.  In  18S1  the  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  appointed  him  a  member  of 
the  East  River  Park  Commission.  Mr.  Sheehy  has  served  a  term  in  the  Assembly,  and  in 
1889  Mayor  Grant  appointed  him  Commissioner  of  Charities  and  Corrections.  He  was  ap- 
pointed Commissioner  of  Taxes  and  Assessments  in  1897  by  Mayor  Van   Wyck. 

Sickles,  General  Daniel  E. — Famous  among  the  many  Tammany  officers  in  the  War, 
the  veteran  soldier  and  statesman,  Daniel  E.  Sickles,  is  known  to  all.  He  is  a  native  of 
New  York,  was  educated  in  the  City  University  and  was  admitted  to  the  Bar  in  1844. 
From  Colonel  of  the  "Excelsior  Brigade,"  he  rose  to  the  rank  of  Brigadier,  and  afterward 
to  a  Major-Generalship,  for  conspicuous  gallantry.  He  has  since  served  as  our  Minister 
to  Spain  and  president  of  the  Tammany  Monument  Board  for  suitably  marking  the  field  of 
Gettysburg,  which  he  with  Tammany,  did  so  much  to  win. 

Simms.  Charles  E.,  Jr.— City  Magistrate,  born  in  this  city  in  1861;  appointed  Assistant 
District  Attorney  in  1891;  appointed  Police  Justice  1893;  appointed  City  Magistrate  in  1895. 
Member  of  Tammany  Hall,  Democratic  Club,  Morris  and  County  Cycle  Clubs,  Indian  Har- 
bor Yacht  Club;   President  of  Associated  Cycle  Clubs  of  the  City  of  New  York. 

Smith,  Clinton  H.— Is  a  New  Yorker;  was  born  in  the  Eleventh  Ward,  where  the 
family  has  resided  for  nearly  five  generations.  He  resides  at  present  in  the  Thirty-first 
Assembly  District,  and  is  a  member  of  the  General  Committee,  as  also  Assistant  Secr<  tary 
of  the  Park  Board,  which  department  he  entered  in  1879,  at  the  aye  of  eighteen,  and  in 
which  he  has  served  continuously  ever  since.  Mr.  Smith  is  a  member  of  several  clubs,  in- 
cluding the  Democratic  and  other  social  and  political  organizations. 

Smith,  Nelson— Member  of  the  New  York  bar,  was  born  in  Middleton,  N.  V.;  educated 
at  Delaware  Academy  and  in  this  city;  has  been  a  life-long  member  of  and  active  worker 
In  the  interests  of  the  Democratic  party,  having  been  elected  Presidential  Elector  in  1892, 
a  delegate  to  the  Constitutional  Convention  in  1894,  and  for  four  years,  1890-94.  chairman 
of  the  General  Committee  of  Tammany  Hall. 

Smith.  Terry — Lawyer,  World  Building,  New  Y'ork  City,  born  in  Houston.  Tex.,  Sep- 
tember 9,  1S65;  has  been  a  member  of  Tammany  Hall  for  past  five  years,  and  served  on 
General  Committee:  graduate  of  Columbia  College  Law  School;  member  of  Association  of 
the  Bar.  Western  Society  and  a  Master  Mason. 


322 

Smith,  Thomas  F— Thomas  F.  Smith,  clerk  of  the  City  Court,  was  born  in  New  York 
City  July  24,  1865.  He  attended  the  public  schools  and  St.  Francis  Xavier's  and  Manhattan 
College  and  was  subsequently  employed  by  the  Western  Union  Telegraph  Company  as  clerk 
and  was  later  promoted  to  the  position  of  operator  and  manager.  Later  he  became  a  news- 
paper reporter, -working  on  the  World,  Journal  and  Tribune,  and  at  various  times  for  the 
United  Press,  up  to  the  time  of  its  dissolution.  He  was  appointed  stenographer  to  the 
Building  Department  in  1892,  and  two  years'  later  he  was  appointed  to  the  stenographer- 
ship  of  the  Eighth  District  Court  which  position  he  held  until  April  1898,  when  he  was  made 
Chief  Clerk  of  the  New  York  City  Court.  Hon.  Richard  Croker  made  Mr.  Smith  his  private 
secretary  in  1899,  subsequently  making  him  secretary  to  the  Tammany  Society  and  the 
Tammany  Hall  General  Committee  and  the  Executive  Committee.  He  was  one  of  the 
founders  and  the  first  president  of  the  Tenderloin  Club,  which  was  organized  some  years 
ago  by  newspaper  men.  He  is  a  trustee  of  the  New  Y'ork  Press  Club,  and  a  member  of  the 
following  organizations:  The  Democratic  Club,  the  State  Stenographers'  Association,  the 
Telegraphers'  Club,  the  Excelsior  Council,  C.  B.  L.,  and  the  Knickerbocker  Council,  Knights 
of  Columbus. 

Sohmer,  William.— County  Clerk,  born  at  Wurtenberg,  Germany,  May  26,  1852.  Mr. 
Sohmer's  entrance  into  the  field  of  active  politics  dates  back  to  1889,  when  he  was  made  the 
candidate  for  the  Assembly  in  the  Tenth  District,  being  elected  by  a  splendid  majority. 
Mr.  Sohmer  served  three  successive  terms  in  the  Assembly.  At  the  expiration  of  his  third 
term  he  was  made  a  Deputy  Tax  Commissioner.  He  held  the  office  until  1896.  when  he 
resigned  to  accept  the  nomination  for  the  office  of  Register,  to  which  he  was  elected.  Mr. 
Sohmer  was  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Organization  during*  the  years  1898-97,  and  was 
also  a  Sachem  of  the  Tammany  Society  in  1896,  1897  and  1898.  He  was  elected  Vice-Chair- 
man  of  the  Executive  Committee  of  Tammany  Hall  in  1899,  and  was  re-elected  in  1900. 

Spinney,  George  F.— This  popular  newspaper  man,  for  years  the  Democratic  editor  of 
the  New  York  Times,  was  born  at  Great  Falls,  N.  H..  in  the  forties  and  graduated  from  the 
High  School  at  Lawrence,  Mass.  He  was  first  with  the  Brooklyn  Argus,  then  with  the  New 
York  Sun.     The  Times  was  at  its  best  under  Mr.  Spinney's  management. 

Steiner,  Joseph  H.— Was  born  in  New  York  City  in  1839.  He  attended  the  public  schools 
and  was  in  1857  graduated  from  the  Free  Academy.  After  graduating  he  accepted  a  posi- 
tion as  reporter  on  the  New  York  Sun.  In  1859  he  commenced  the  study  of  law.  and  was 
graduated  from  the  New  York  University  as  Bachelor  of  Daws.  In  1861  he  was  admitted 
to  the  bar.  When  the  war  broke  out  he  was  made  Captain  of  a  company  in  the  Ninth 
Regiment,  New  York  Volunteers,  and  was  subsequently  promoted  to  Major  in  the  Fifty- 
ninth  Regiment.  Judge  Steiner  was  also  a  member  of  the  Fire  Department,  belonging  to 
Engine  Company  No.  18.  He  was  commander  of  the  Phil  Kearney  Post,  G.  A.  R.,  and  is 
still  a  member  of  that  post.  In  1893  he  was  elected  civil  justice  in  the  Eighth  Judicial  Dis- 
trict of  the  city  and  county  of  New  York. 

Sterling,  George  Loomis— Was  born  of  Scotch-English  ancestry,  at  Trumbull.  Conn.. 
1855.  Graduated  from  Yale,  1876;  Yale  Law  School,  1880.  and  admitted  to  New  York 
Bar,  1881,  since  which  time  he  has  practiced  law  in  this  city  and  been  Assistant  Coipora- 
tion'  Counsel  since  1885.  Was  identified  with  Codification  of  Laws  of  State  of  New  York 
and  with  preparation  of  Charter  of  Greater  New  York,  and  in  the  different  city  adminis- 
trations for  fifteen  years.  Mr.  Sterling  is  a  member  of  many  important  clubs,  the  Bar 
Association,  Yale  Club,  Seawanhaka,  Corinthian  Yacht  Club,  St.  George's,  the  Democratic 
Club,  Senaca  Club,  Twenty-fifth  Assembly  District  and  General  Committee  of  Tammany 
Hall. 

Stillings,  William  E.— Was  bom  March  28,  1857,  in  the  Twenty-first  Ward  of  the  City 
of  New  York.  He  acquired  his  education  in  the  New  York  public  schools,  at  Claverack 
Academy,  and  at  the  Columbia  College  Law  School.  Mr.  Stillings  is  a  member  of  the 
Society  of  the  Sons  of  the  Revolution,  the  New  York  Athletic,  the  Democratic  Club  and 
many  other  metropolitan  clubs,  an  enthusiastic  Democrat,  having  become  a  member  of  the 
Tammany  Hall  General  Committee  in  1880,  and  a  member  of  the  Executive  Committee  of 
Tammany  Hall  in  1892. 

'Stravs,  Nathan  Ex-Sachem  of  Tammany  Society,  was  born  In  Ottenburg,  Germany; 
came  to  America  In  1855,  and  settled  in  New  Fork  shortly  after  the  close  of  the  War  of  the 
Rebellion. 


Sullivan,  Florence  J      Was  born  In  Ireland,    lugust    p:    1863      Hi    ha     been 
of  New    Fork    Ince  he  cameto   America,  and  he  wa     then  only  three  month    old      B 

'  d  In  thi    i lo    i  i i    "i  'in    olty,     Mr,  Sullivan  I    a  fli 

"thj  D,  Sullivan,     He  was  ap] tted  bj   Polli  e  i  mer  Martin  .1  tnu  iry  9,  1     1,  to  th< 

1 '■  force  where  he  made  an  exceptional  record.     He  was  named  bj   unanlmou    1 

tor  the  office  which  he  now  holds,  thai  of  Superintendent  of  incumbi 

Si  1  1  n  \\.  John  a.    This  ardent  and  conspicuous  Di  1 born  at    Ron 

v..  graduated  from  the  Kingston  Academy;  was  appointed  internal  Revenue  Collectoi  by 
Presldi  ni  Cleveland,  and  was  re  appointed  at  the  expiration  ol  hi  term,  since  whi<  h  time 
he  has  1 n  General  Manager  of  the  Securitj  C pans  of  Philadelphia,  In  th<   Citj  ol   N<   1 

York. 

Sui  er,  William  Born  In  Elizabeth,  N  .1  .  March  is.  1863.  Educated  In  the  public 
schools;  admitted  to  the  bar  In  1884;  was  .1  member  of  the  New  Fork  Legislature  In  1  89, 
1890,  1891,  1892,  1893,  and  1894;  Speaker  ol  the  Assembly  In  1893;  was  elected  to  B4tb  Con- 
gress as  a  Democrat,  and  re  ile<  ted  to  the  55th  Congress;  was  a  delegate  to  the  National 
Convention  at  Chicago,  In  1896.  He  was  educated  In  the  public  schools  and  at  Columbia 
College,  ami  was  admitted  to  thi  bar  as  soon  as  he  attained  his  majority.  He  quickly 
achieved  distinction  In  bis  profession  and  as  a  political  orator.  He  stumped  the  States  of 
New  York,  New  Jersej  and  Connecticut  for  the  Democratic  National  Committee  in  1884 
and  18SS.  In  IS89  Mr.  Sulzer  was  elected  to  the  State  Legislature,  where  his  force  and 
merit  speedily  found  recognition.  Nol  even  the  mosl  Implacable  foe  of  Tammany  Hall 
ever  aspersed  his  im-snty.  Ins  generosity  or  Ins  ability,  and  when  the  Democrats  cap- 
tured  .1  majority  of  the  Assembly  in  1S93.  nobody  was  surprised  to  see  him  installed  by  the 
unanimous  vote  of  his  party  '-olleagues  in  the  Speaker's  chair,  the  youngest  man  to  whom 
such    in  honor  had  been  accorded.    Re-elected  to  Congress  in  1898  and  in  1900. 

SWEETSER,  W.  A.— Was  born  in  Brooklyn,  near  the  entrance  to  the  East  Rivi  1  bridge. 
He  first  attended  the  public  schools  Nos.  12  and  1,  St.  Francis'  and  St.  John's  Colleges  in 
Brooklyn,  and  later,  until  1873,  St.  Lament's  College  in  Montreal,  Canada.  Elected  presi- 
dent of  the  alumni  of  St.  John's  College  in  1879.  After  a  short  experience  in  the  commer- 
cial line  he  studied  law  in  Brooklyn  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1879,  and  opened  an 
oilier.  Mr.  Sweetser  has  always  been  a  Democrat,  but  took  no  active  pari  in  politics 
until  1888,  when  Hon.  Hugh  J.  Grant  was  elected  Mayor.  On  July  3d,  1889,  the  late  Hon. 
William  H.  Clark,  who  bad  been  appointed  counsel  to  the  corporation,  named  Mr.  Sweetser 
as  one  of  his  assistants  in  that  office,  which  office  he  held  until  the  Hon.  Francis  M.  Scott 
was  made  Corporation  Counsel.  Mr.  Sweetser,  at  th.e  request  of  Mr.  Scott,  accepted  the 
position  of  clerk  in  the  proceeding  to  open,  widen  and  extend  Elm  street.  In  1898  Mr. 
Sweetser  received  the  regular  Democratic  Tammany  Hall  nomination  for  member  of  As- 
sembly in  the  Nineteenth  Assembly  District,  one  of  the  strongest  Republican  distrii  ism 
that  time  in  the  city.  Mr.  Sweetser  made  a  great  fight  but  was  beaten  by  Robert  Mazetl 
by  a  small  majority.  He  has  always  been  a  Tammany  Hall  Democrat  and  joined  that  or- 
ganization in  1888,  becoming  a  member  of  the  Narragansett  Club  and  later  the  Pontiac 
Club   in   the   Nineteenth   District. 

Tierney,  John  M.— Justice  of  the  Municipal  Court  for  the  Second  District  Of  the  Bor- 
oii^h  of  the. Bronx,  was  born  in  the  City  of  New  York  October  14,  1860,  and  was  educated  in 
thi  public  schools.  In  1892  Mr.  Tierney  for  a  short  time  was  Assistant  Attorney  to  the 
File  Department,  and  from  June,  1892,  to  April,  1895,  was  Assistant  Counsel  to  the  Depart- 
ment of  Buildings. 

Toop.  George  H.— Born  in  England  in  1836.  Mr.  Toop  was  the  associate  leader  of  Tam- 
many Hall,  with  Hon.  Rollin  M.  Morgan,  of  the  Twenty-ninth  Assembly  District,  and  has 
been  connected  with  political  affairs  in  the  up-town  section  for  the  last  thirty  years, 
though  never  Inning  held  any  office  except  that  of  School  Inspector,  to  which  he  was 
appointed  by. Mayor  Grant.     This  position  he  held  for  five  years. 

Towen,  William  C.  Now  resides  in  the  Eleventh  Assembly  District:  was  a  resident  of 
Bedford  Park,  Bronx  Borough,  and  foi  many  years  has  been  prominently  identified  with 
every  progressive  movement  in  that  locality.  He  is  a  member  of  the  Tammany  Hall  Com- 
mittee of  the  Eleventh  Assembly  District  Committee  and  of  many  other  organizations, 
among  them  the  Democratic  Club,  Bedford  Park  Taxpayers'  Association,  the  Tammany 
Society.  Army  and  Navy  Association.  League  of  American  Wheelmen,  the  Pavonia  and 
Atlantic  Yacht  Clubs,  and  President   New    York  State  "Good  Roads  League." 


3^4 

Truax,  Charles  H.— Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  was  horn  in  1846;  elected  Justice 
Supreme  Court  in  1880;  re-elected  in  1S95;  was  delegate  to  the  Constitutional  Convention 
in  1894. 

Turner.  William  L.— Lawyer.  Born  June  5,  I860,  in  New  York  City.  Educated  at 
the  College  of  the  City  of  New  York  and  at  the  Columbia  Law  School.  Upon  graduating 
was  admitted  to  the  bar,  and  has  since  been  engaged  in  the  practice  of  his  profession  in 
this  city.  He  was  Secretary  to  Mayor  Grace  in  1885  and  1886.  and  Assistant  Counsel  to  the 
Corporation  of  the  City  of  New  York  from  1886  to  May,  1889,  and  in  March.  1895.  was  again 
appointed  Assistant  Corporation  Counsel.  He  is  identified  with  the  New  York  State 
Democracy  organization,  and  is  a  member  of  the  University,  Reform  and  Manhattan  Clubs, 
the  Bar  Association,  Society  of  Medical  Jurisprudence,  and  various  city  college  clubs  and 
societies. 

Underhill,  John  Quincy— Representative  in  Congress,  for  the  Sixteenth  District,  is 
one  of  the  prominent  Democratic  leaders  of  the  Empire  State.  In  his  district,  which 
comprises  the  County  of  Westchester  and  the  Thirty-fourth  and  Thirty-fifth  Assembly 
Districts  of  New  York  City,  he  is  well  known  and  universally  liked.  Mr.  Underhill  was 
born  in  New  Rochelle,  Westchester  County,  February  19,  1848.  He  has  served  several  terms 
as  Trustee  and  President  of  the  village  of  New  Rochelle.  and  for  ten  years  was  President 
of  the  Board  of  Commissioners  of  Sewers  and  Drainage  of  said  village.  He  is  a  member  or 
the  Larchmont  Yacht  Club,  the  New  York  Athletic  Club,  the  New  Rochelle  Yacht  Club 
the  Democratic  Club  and  Manhattan  Club. 

Unger,  Henry  W.— Former  Assistant  District  Attorney,  born  in  this  city  in  1S63:  ap- 
pointed Deputy  Assistant  District  Attorney  by  De  Lancey  Nicoll  in  1891;  retained  by 
Colonel  Fellows  and  reappointed,  in  1891,  by  Colonel  Gardiner. 

Untermyer,  Maurice. — Born  at  Lynchburg,  Va„  1860;  came  to  New  York  when  nine 
years  of  age,  attending  Grammar  School  35,  then  entering  classes  in  City  College  and  School 
of  Mines,  Columbia  College.  Determining  on  the  legal  profession,  he  graduated  at  Columbia 
Law  School  in  1882,  and  opened  a  branch  office  of  the  old  firm  of  Guggenheimer  &  Unter- 
myer in  125th  street,  where  he  formed  many  valuable  connections,  and  became  one  of  the 
organizers  of  the  Harlem  Democratic  Club,  exercising  a  leading  influence  in  the  council 
of  Democratic  organizations  and  being  chosen  de'egate  to  National  and  State  Conventions. 
The  present  law  firm  of  Guggenheimer,  Untermyer  &  Marshall  is  one  of  the  leading  ones 
of  the  world,  conducting  the  legal  business  of  largest  companies  and  corporations.  Mr. 
Untermyer  is  one  of  the  founders  of  the  Hebrew  Infant  Asylum,  a  member  of  Tammany 
Society,  Democratic,  Knickerbocker  Athletic,  Press.  Criterion,  Harlem  and  Progress  Clubs. 
Geographical  Society.  Medical  Jurisprudence.  Freundschaft  Societies  and  one  of  the  leading 
Masons  of  the  State  of  New  York. 

Van  Hoesen,  George  M. — Was  born  in  the  City  of  New  York.  He  was  graduated 
at  the  University  of  the  City  of  New  York  and  afterwards  at  the  State  and  National  Law 
School  at  Poughkeepsie.  In  1875  was  elected  a  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  for 
the  City  and  County  of  New  York,  in  which  capacity  he  served  for  fourteen  years.  He  has 
been  President  of  the  Holland  Society,  President  of  the  Association  of  the  Alumni  of  the 
University  of  the  City  of  New  York,  and  for  three  terms  was  Chairman  of  the  Memorial 
Committee,  an  association  of  all  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic  posts  of  the  City  of  New 
York. 

Van  Wyck,  Robert  A.— Judge  Robert  A.  Van  Wyck,  so  well-known  as  the  first 
Mayor  of  Greater  New  York,  is  a  New  Yorker  whose  prominence  is  well-deserved,  and  who 
has  given  to  Democracy  the  straight  proofs  of  his  devotion  to  the  people's  Interests.  He 
was  graduated  from  the  Columbia  Law  School  at  the  head  of  his  class,  and.  in  and  out  of 
politics,  he  has  maintained  his  leading  position  and  the  confidence  ami  support   of  the 

public     He  has  I n  appropriately  described  as  "A   Democrat  among  Democrats,  a  man 

among  men." 

Wahlk.  Charles  <:.  F.  Lawyer  Wahle  was  born  in  this  city  in  1866.  He  has  been  a 
member  of  Tammany  Hall  for  twelve  years  and  of  the  Tammany  Society  since  1889.  Mr. 
Wahle  resides  in  the  Thirty-fifth  Assembly  District,  and  has  always  been  an  active  worker 
in  the  interests  of  the  Democratic  party.  He  served  on  General  and  Organization  Commit- 
tees, and  has  held  the  office  of  Inspector  Of  Public  Schools  and  Commissioner  of  Accounts, 
1890-1894,  besides  in  many  offices  of  honor  and  of  trust. 


325 

Walters,   Richard   m      Mr,    Walteri    li    b    well  known   pli manufactui    i 

born  In  New   York,  and  is  a  resident  of  the  Twentj   ninth  •    trlcl      Hi    ba 

a  prominent  figure  In  Tamroanj   Hall  foi  manj    jreai        B  Music 

Trade  Convention  In  the  United  Btates  and  organized  the  Piano  and  Organ  Manufacturers' 
Association  of  which  he  was  First  Vice  President.  He  is  now  vice  President  of  thi  Mer 
chants'  and  Manufacturers'  Board  of  Trade  of  the  City  of  Mew   J 


Weeks,  Bartow   s.     Born   In   New    Fork   City   April  26,    1861      He   was  educated   In   the 

ptihii.    schools  of  this  city,  graduated   from  the  New    Fork  College  in   ist:».  and   from   thi 
Columbia   Law   School  in  ivs::.     ii.    was  appointed  to  ins  ftrsl  official  po 
Districl    Attorney   in  January.    lS'.M,    by    IV   Lanccj    N'icoll,   an.l   reappointed    bj    I 
lows.     He  is  a  member  of  Tammanj    Hall  General  Committee, 


Welde,  Ciiari.es— Commissioner  of  Jurors,  was  born  In  Germany  in  1843;  Is  the  form,  r 
Tammany  leach  r  of  the  Thirty-first  District,  and  has  always  taken  a  deep  interest  in  and 
been  an  active  worker  for  the  party.  He  was  a  Police  Justice  for  twelve  years,  a  Sachem 
of  Tammany  Society  for  eighteen  years,  and  has  been  a  member  of  the  Finance  Commit- 
tee of  Tammany  Hall  for  ten  years. 


Whai.en,  John— Sachem  of  Tammany  Society  and  Corporation  Counsel  of  the  City  of 
New  York,  was  horn  in  this  city  in  1S54,  and  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1877;  has  always  been 
an  ardent  Tammany  Hall  Democrat. 


Zucca,  Antonio.— Was  born  in  Trieste,  Austria,  and  passed  his  youth  in  Ttaly.  Coming 
to  America,  he  espoused  the  people's  cause,  becoming  an  active  member  of  the  General 
Committee  ..f  Tammany  Hall.  He  has  long  been  President  of  the  United  Amercan  Italian 
Societies,  of  the  Latin  American  Democratic  Union,  and  has  held  many  positions  of  honor 
an.l  of  trust    in  this  city   where  he  is  so  well  and  favorably  known. 


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STERLING   SILVER 

made  under  personal  supervision  of  the  Artists 
who  designed  them,  by  skilled  silver- workers  :  thus 
each  piece  is  perfect  and  each  set  is  in  absolute 
harmony.  These  wares  embrace  many  useful  and 
decorative  pieces  especially  appropriate  as 

GIETS  EOP  WEDDINGS 

and    everything    needful  for  use  at    home 

/nedals,  <?tjp5  aod  Jropr/ies  for  all  5Port:5. 

REED  &  BARTON,  Silversmiths, 

41     UNION     SQUARE,  _ 

6     MAIDEN     LANE,  ^  NEW      YORK. 


BERNHEIMER  Sr  SCHMID, 


LIOM   BREWERY, 


Columbus  Ave.  and  108th  St., 


MEW  YORK 


1  GRAVITY  and  PRESSURE* 

1      um       FILTERS.      | 

Constructed   under  the  r^f 

Jewell,  Warren,  Continental,  Hyatt  and  other  Patents.    ^J5, 

1 

Adopted  by  the  Newest^ 
Large  Office  Buildings,  & 
Hotels,  etc.,  in  the  Uni=  (g 


fetf  States. 


Si  NEW  YORK  CONTINENTAL  JEWELL  FILTRATION  CO.,  [£ 


W)  25  Broad  Street  40-42  West  Qulncy  Street,  ,>• 

fee  NEW  YORK.  CHICAGO.  >Cy 


.    ■■ 


..,,,, .,,.., 


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